Strelkov in contact official page. Igor Strelkov: in contact

Five years ago, on April 12, Igor Strelkov’s detachment entered Slavyansk, and with its capture, the conflict in eastern Ukraine turned from civil confrontation in regional centers into a real, bloody war with firearms, the use of the army, special forces and heavy equipment. The next day, Ukrainian authorities announced the start of an anti-terrorist operation in Slavyansk. Over the course of three months, at least five hundred people died in the battles for the city, and Strelkov became a symbol of the pro-Russian militias.

Today I invite you to look at photographs from Slavyansk in 2019 and compare it with Slavyansk five years ago.

“Today is April 12, 2019, a warm spring morning, and I am in Slavyansk, a small city in the north of the Donetsk region of Ukraine. It’s quiet, people are busy with their own affairs, provincial life goes on as usual, and you need to try hard to find traces of the events that began in this city five years ago, when at dawn it was captured by a group of armed people. Then no one knew who these people were, where they came from and who commanded them. Today they are known as the “Strelkov squad” after the pseudonym of their leader Igor Strelkov (Girkin). Later, it was he who took responsibility for the beginning of the bloody conflict that continues to this day, directly saying in an interview with the Russian newspaper Zavtra:

I finally pulled the trigger of war. If our detachment had not crossed the border, in the end everything would have ended, as in Kharkov, as in Odessa. There would have been several dozen killed, burned, and arrested. And that would be the end of it. And practically the flywheel of the war, which is still going on, launched our detachment.

Contrary to popular belief, Donetsk region and Donbass are not synonyms at all. For example, Slavyansk is the Ukrainian historical region of Slobozhanshchyna. There is no coal or waste heaps here, but there are salt lakes with healing water and ceramic production.

Until 2014, there were no military units or large security forces bases here - except perhaps the Internal Affairs Directorate and a small unit of the SBU. It was they who became the first targets of Strelkov’s detachment on the morning of April 12, 2014. In a peaceful, calm city, no one expected an attack, and the assault turned out to be quick. The detachment itself, consisting of fifty armed fighters, Russians and Crimeans, had illegally crossed the Russian-Ukrainian border a few hours earlier. Local pro-Russian activists provided him with assistance. After capturing the buildings, they were given the weapons found in them.

Recently, a well-known supporter of the unrecognized republics, Alexander Zhuchkovsky, published the book “85 Days of Slavyansk.” In particular, there are these words:

At the border, Strelkov, in the presence of a driver shaking with fear, without ceremony, asked those greeting them: “Did you drive your own or for use?” They replied that they didn’t need their own and they didn’t need to use it.

Do you know how the Strelkovtsy differed from the locals? They smelled of war and some kind of inevitable determination. They came in and basically understood that they would have to fight and shed blood. Strelkov’s fighters came in, already psychologically prepared for anything. They came to fight.

The city administration building was also captured:


Photo: Ilya Pitalev / Kommersant

Photo: Ilya Pitalev / Kommersant

Photo: Ilya Pitalev / Kommersant

The SBU building, an old one-story mansion of the merchant Rabinovich, housed Strelkov’s headquarters, and in its basements there was an improvised prison. However, now it is difficult to surprise anyone with the expression “getting into the basement” in the so-called people’s republics. But five years ago this was unusual in Slavyansk, and now few people remember it.

The building of the local administration of the SBU today:

And this is what the path there looked like for some in the spring of 2014:


Photo: Ilya Pitalev / Kommersant

Now on the building hangs a memorial plaque to the deputy of the Gorlovka city council Vladimir Rybak. When the local city council was seized and hung the DPR flag on it, it took it down and returned the state one. Armed people took him to Slavyansk, to the militia headquarters. Later, the mutilated bodies of deputy Rybak and Kyiv student Yuriy Popravka were found in the Kazenny Torets River near Slavyansk.

Barricades were erected near the captured buildings:


Photo: Ilya Pitalev / Kommersant

Photo: Ilya Pitalev / Kommersant

Roadblocks appeared at the entrances to the city. This one, for example, was called “Mixed Feed” after a nearby plant with a high elevator:


Photo: Ilya Pitalev / Kommersant

On May 2, it was recaptured by Ukrainian troops, after which it was repeatedly shelled from the city. On the elevator you can still see traces of mine hits. There he is on the horizon, visible beyond the lake:

The buildings were decorated with pro-Russian graffiti:


Photo: Ilya Pitalev / Kommersant

Now it’s hard to even remember, but I came across one in the yard where there used to be a town hall of local communists. With user comment.

There was a barricade at this intersection, and on the other side of the street too - it was all blocked off to ordinary people, since Strelkov’s headquarters was located right in the middle of it (you can see it in the background on the right):

The cathedral on the main city square has remained virtually unchanged, only the surroundings have changed.


Photo: Ilya Pitalev / Kommersant

By the way, this is the same “Lenin Square” from the old ballad about the boy in shorts crucified by the evil Binderites. Only it has never been Lenin Square in its history, and boys were never crucified on it either.

The city administration building had playgrounds then and now. Children played there then and play there now:


Photo: Ilya Pitalev / Kommersant

The White Night cafe, near which military equipment was parked, suddenly turned into a Well-Fed Hedgehog:


Photo: Ilya Pitalev / Kommersant

Many establishments in the spring of 2014 are still in place...

But new ones have also opened:

The tiles are either laid or shifted:

The hotel, where almost all the journalists lived at that time, was slightly updated - attic windows appeared, and instead of a restaurant, a poker club opened:

The city has nice old mansions and strange squatter buildings, flowering fruit trees and political advertisements. But what is missing is war.

But, unlike the city center, the heavy battles of 2014 are more than clearly reminiscent of the ruins of the regional psychiatric hospital in the suburban village of Semyonovka. In its buildings on a hill above a strategic intersection, the rebels gained a foothold, and during the fighting the hospital was almost completely destroyed. In recent years, a couple of buildings have been restored, the central one is being built anew, but the spectacle still cannot be called fun.

There are also monuments to fallen Ukrainian Armed Forces soldiers...

And the first victim of the conflict, captain of the Alpha special squad of the SBU Gennady Bilichenko. He died the day after the capture of the city, April 13, 2014 - his car was fired upon even before entering Slavyansk.

But in general, in Slavyansk they talk about the war exclusively in the past tense, and nothing else thunders here except thunder during a thunderstorm. No one can even remember that five years ago they could have been detained here for looking too hipster, as a “non-local”. And I’m not exaggerating, I observed this myself then.

And yet the war is not over yet, but it began here. Five years ago. And the front line from here is 57 kilometers in a straight line.

Now, outside of your knowledge, likes and political preferences, try to abstract yourself and imagine that you wake up one morning, and your city has been captured by strange armed people in masks. Introduced? Or with difficulty? If it’s difficult, then you may be lucky.”

Here are the first points of my future program for the elections of the head of Novorossiya:

1. Any customs and border institutions on the Russian-Novorossiysk border on the part of Novorossiya are completely abolished as such.
2. Similarly, customs and border institutions between Lugansk, Donetsk and other republics that will become part of Novorossiya are abolished.
3. All border and customs authorities will be relocated to the Ukrainian border (in the future, on the territory of the Odessa People's Republic - also to the Romanian and Moldavian ones). In the event of continuation of hostilities, all military personnel and customs officials are temporarily transferred to the PS and TS reserve with immediate mobilization to the Armed Forces of Novorossiya.
4. Tougher penalties for drug trafficking up to and including the death penalty, with cases of this kind being considered in a special expedited manner by a military court (the composition of the court is appointed personally by the head of the republic, and the head of the republic bears full responsibility for its activities).
5. After the election, the introduction of a provision into the constitution of Novorossiya is initiated, according to which the term of governance of Novorossiya by the Head is limited to 4 years with the possibility of a one-time extension for 2 years based on the results of a popular referendum. Repeated election of the same person to the highest office is prohibited forever. The law establishes the provision that at the next election of the Head of State, a plebiscite is simultaneously held to evaluate the performance of the previous one in the specified post according to 4 options: “unsatisfactory”, “satisfactory”, “positive”. If more than half of those who voted assess the management as “unsatisfactory,” the next head and the legislative body immediately create a special commission to organize an investigation into the activities of the head, the result of which should be an open trial with the participation of specially selected jurors, who are assigned the right of final verdict "guilty" or "not guilty". If less than a quarter of the participants gave a “positive” assessment, the former head of the republic is prohibited from holding any public office in the future, including elected ones. Until the results of the plebiscite, the outgoing head of state is prohibited from crossing its borders, even for a short time. A specially appointed parliamentary commission is responsible for the implementation of this provision.

P.S. - this is all within the framework of those very specific positive proposals, the absence of which I am regularly accused of.

My comment is traditional - apart from “Potemkin villages” and false facades made of papier-mâché, the “chicks of Surkov’s nest” do not know how to do anything, do not want to and never will. A swindler will always remain a swindler until he is (forcibly) provided with a prison uniform, handed a pick and sent to socially useful (in war conditions - trench) work under the supervision of a very sympathetic machine gunner, waiting for the slightest reason to “thank” the worker rear for previous good deeds.

I have just written a handwritten text of an appeal to the President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin.
Since it is quite likely that it will end up in the trash bin tomorrow (if we manage to get it to the reception desk at all), I think it is possible and correct to convey it to the public:

To the President of the Russian Federation Putin from Russian citizen Igor Vsevolodovich Girkin.
Appeal.
Show in full…
I, Igor Vsevolodovich Girkin, citizen of Russia, colonel of the RF Armed Forces in reserve, guided by my civic duty, appeal to you - the President of the Russian Federation - with the following legal demands:

1. Ensure the procedures provided for by the legislation of the Russian Federation for the consideration, discussion and adoption of the amendments you have made to the Constitution of the Russian Federation. Namely: to ensure the adoption of the Law on the Constitutional Assembly, the convening of the said Assembly, the consideration by the Constitutional Assembly of your proposed amendments to the Constitution and, as a result, the holding of a National Referendum, at which citizens of the Russian Federation will be able to express their attitude to the amendments you proposed.

2. According to the Oath you took upon taking office, immediately stop violations of the Constitution and Legislation of the Russian Federation, carried out and planned when considering the changes you proposed to the Constitution of the Russian Federation.

If these requirements are not met, you will be:
- an oathbreaker who violated this official and publicly taken Oath;
- a usurper of power in the Russian Federation, exercising the highest executive power illegally and illegally.

Also, taking this opportunity, I demand from you:
- immediate cancellation of the so-called “pension reform” (as leading to further impoverishment, social degradation and extinction of the indigenous peoples of Russia);
- termination of the anti-national economic course, leading the country to final disintegration, and the state to the cessation of existence;
- fulfillment of the promise you made in 2014 to help the people of New Russia (and, in particular, the Donetsk and Lugansk People's Republics), whose genocide has been going on for over 5 years.

This is the minimum list of requirements.

Unfortunately, I do not have the slightest hope that they will be fulfilled, either in whole or even in part.

For 20 years you have been directly and indirectly (as Prime Minister - Head of Government) governing the Russian Federation, turning it into the “fiefdom” of your own friends, acquaintances and acquaintances, and - fundamentally - into an object of application of your ambitions and complexes.

During your leadership of the country, it has degraded incredibly in all spheres: scientific, educational, cultural, economic, military, political and so on.
And you have the audacity to publicly call yourself a “patriot of Russia”...

I believe that you do not believe in God (and participation in the rituals of the Russian Orthodox Church is just “politically expedient hypocrisy” for you) and - therefore - it is useless to remind you that after death all your cases will be considered by the Supreme Court, which cannot neither bribe nor deceive.

But are you really determined to remain in the thousand-year history of Russia only as a petty, malicious and greedy intriguer? Or did you decide to “put an end to” the history of Russia? - To implement the last assumption, you have already done an order of magnitude more than even your respected predecessor, B.N. Yeltsin.

However, your power and your life are not yet complete. There is still time to at least try to correct what has been created in 20 years. Do I myself believe in this (in the possibility of such a turn)? - No.
But everything is in the hands of the Lord. Do at least what is OBLIGED BY THE LAW - and this will already be the act of a statesman, and not a petty swindler, placed in power by God's remission for our sins.

Without any respect, Igor Vsevolodovich Girkin (hereinafter passport details).

Upon his return, Girkin plunges into the PSEUDO-monarchical movement. Beginning to promote to the throne of Russia the fascist underlings who overthrew Nicholas 2 and then served (Maria Hohenzolern, heiress of the Third Reich) to the fascists - the Hohenzolerns and their creature Nicholas 3 Leiningen) He already enjoys a certain authority as a veteran (among purely civilian monarchists ).

However, in the spring of 1993 he was drafted into the army. There is already trouble in Chechnya, and he asks to serve there, even brings a box of vodka to the military registration and enlistment office, but the military commissar, taking into account his state of health, sends him to an air defense unit in the Moscow region. Where Girkin endures all the hardships of hazing for a year, in fact, in the position of “lowered” (adjusted for the lack of homosexual contacts, at least there is no information about them).

Thus, the official military system deals a severe blow to Girkin’s psyche. After all, he asked to go to the front line, has combat experience - and he was humiliated in every way. So, in addition to the previous complexes, a new one is being formed - hostility and distrust towards the regular military, a hidden understanding that he cannot be equal to them, jealousy, disdain - an explosive cocktail, which is expressed in a tendency to insubordination, which will fully manifest itself in the Donbass.

Nevertheless, with all his disgust for the military system, he still does not see himself outside of war (because who cares about war, and Girkin’s mother is dear), and in 1995 he went to serve under a contract in Chechnya, in the self-propelled artillery (Akatsia). He fights as a loader, then as a gunner - again combat operations in the absence of contact with the enemy.

Then - again a PSEUDO-monarchical party in the capital, other patriotic PSEUDO-PATRIOIC circles. During this period, he met Alexander Borodai, the future prime minister of the DPR.
He starts writing on the Antiques forum under the nickname Kotych, which he still does today
Girkin, under the nickname Kotych, confirms (excusing himself from his screenshots)
(Girkin rode on MayDOWN while studying the mechanism of revolution)

Girkin is not satisfied with talk, he strives to do at least some applied things, to form combat groups, in the hope that when power collapses, he will hang the enemies of the Motherland and take power. As a result, according to rumors, he turns out to be a recruited agent of one of the intelligence services and is engaged in informing against his comrades.

Almost simultaneously, he quickly marries, “on the fly,” as often happens with men who have remained virgins for a long time. The child is born with genetic abnormalities, and even then suspicions arise that this is Igor’s heredity, but he does not want to hear about it, he categorically refuses to undergo examination, and blames his wife for everything. As a result, a scandalous divorce occurs; Girkin prefers to forget about the “unsuccessful” child.

During the first three years of his service, he actively destroys his own comrades by conviction, transferring his previously secret activities to a professional basis. This inconvenient fact leaves his consciousness: partly he is blinded by the fact that he is now a real officer, with a uniform (that is, finally equal to those who bullied him), partly - he is contemptuous of many of his former comrades, believing that only he himself is the standard of a Russian patriot, and all means are good to increase his influence.

He is actually building a career not on the model of the White Guard officers, but on the model of Yevno Azef, a double agent, provocateur, working both for the special services and for the conspirators. Obviously, he cannot admit this to himself.

The fate of a sadist

The complexes are multiplying and overlapping each other: on the one hand, Girkin has finally officially entered the coveted caste, on the other, he feels himself behind enemy lines, having not abandoned plans to defeat the hated regime.

In 1999, he asked for an appointment to serve in the CTO zone in the North Caucasus. And he spends the next five years there.

His professional skills as a counterintelligence agent, according to a number of reviews, are extremely questionable, but he is characterized by pathological cruelty and sadistic methods of interrogation, as a result of which he receives “operational information.”

There is a story that in the course of implementing unverified information, Girkin organized the shooting of a cafe with visitors who were not involved in terrorists. The military prosecutor's office conducted an investigation, during which Girkin was removed from the staff.

Then, while in operational and military circles in the CTO zone, the call sign “Strelok” appears (previously, Girkin signed his military prose in the form of notes about Bosnia with the pseudonym “Igor Strelkov”).

The story of Igor’s second marriage takes place in Chechnya. He falls in love with a Chechen translator, 23-year-old Vera, who is married to a local policeman. Girkin organizes the detention and subsequent imprisonment of Vera’s husband, and takes the woman to his place, an act in the style of a cruel parody of the Caucasian traditions of bride kidnapping, “Caucasian Captive”. Vera's first marriage was never dissolved.

Amusing wound

A tendency begins to emerge - unpreparedness for equal relationships with women, the need to sublimate the inferiority complex, to dominate in relationships, hence the choice of an obviously younger and intellectually undeveloped, but attractive girl.

This marriage will produce two children, boys, both with genetic diseases. It will become obvious to everyone I know that the reason is Igor, for him the topic will be taboo, he will divorce Vera, and he will not actually provide help to the children.

The divorce occurred several years after returning from Chechnya to Moscow. The realities of existence in the central apparatus of the FSB DBT - the inability to maintain a career, and at least equal relations with colleagues, lack of money, disappointment in his wife and children - all this leads Girkin to an extremely depressed state, he begins to drink decently and systematically (although before the age of 30, in general didn't drink).

At the service he again oversees the patriotic movement. At times he tries to use official opportunities to work for strangers, however, when he finds himself in a difficult situation that threatens publicity and punishment, he panics and refuses everyone.

There are only two outlets left: military-historical reconstruction and “literary creativity.” He is writing a book of romantic fairy tales for children.

He throws himself into reconstruction, spending all his money on this not-so-cheap hobby. In addition to the uniform from the period of the Patriotic War of 1812 and the Civil War, which he had previously, he wears a uniform from the Second World War, creates a machine gun club, and purchases several models of Maxim machine guns. Also acquires Roman legionary armor.

In the summer of 2007, under tragicomic circumstances, he received a “wound” - damage to his lower leg from a shell fragment that exploded directly under the fire pit in the camp of Girkin and his comrades, who had come to excavate battle sites in the Novgorod region (the so-called “Myasnoy Bor”). The old friend who took him out of the forest has since not wanted to communicate with him, citing Girkin’s “womanish behavior” as the reason for his refusal.

Girkin is delivered to Moscow by Boroday's specially sent driver; by this point, Girkin and Boroday are already long-time friends, but Girkin is developing another mania - rivalry with Boroday. The penniless Girkin receives regular assistance from Boroday, but behind his back he calls him a slippery businessman and a man who exchanged an idea for money. Borodai moves in political circles, but Girkin considers himself much more worthy for political activity.

At the beginning of 2013, Girkin actually came to a crisis. He is fired “without the right to wear a uniform.” The reason is that he was not tested by a psychologist (according to close people, he attacked the specialist with his fists, not wanting to answer questions about his sex life). Naturally, Girkin claims that the testing was rigged by Russia’s enemies and Western intelligence agencies.

Soon, Girkin’s old acquaintances call Boroday and ask him to place Girkin somewhere, otherwise he will become a drunkard. As a result, Borodai arranges for him to be the head of the security service of Konstantin Malofeev (the second time, at first Malofeev really doesn’t like Girkin).

Then the story begins with the tour of the Gifts of the Magi, Girkin ensures the safety of shrines in Kyiv and Crimea, and preparations for the Crimean Spring begin.

Russian spring

As soon as the adrenaline subsides after the forced march to Slavyansk and the occupation of the city, Girkin begins to experience ever-increasing stress. It consists of several factors:

Self-indulgence, the feeling of being a leader and commander, which is strongly fueled by the curtseys of the locals, who see in him the commander of the lead detachment of the Russian Army

The need to communicate with a large number of people, manage them, make decisions, and at least adequately respond to curtseys

A terrible fear of physical pain and death (in fact, for the first time he finds himself on the front line, with the prospect of encirclement and the unfolding of large-scale hostilities (which really begin soon)

As a result, Girkin locks himself in the SBU premises and the adjacent laundry building, and builds communication with others according to the principle of “Goodwin the Great and Terrible”: a minimum of direct contacts, monosyllabic meaningful answers, relatively normal communication only with a narrow circle of people who properly express their admiration for the "First". Behind this practice, he hides his inadequacy as a leader, which is confirmed by the personalities of those close to him (for example, Igor Druz, Vika-Vika, Igor Ivanov and others are either freaks or smooth-talking swindlers and thieves).

Having gained widespread fame for the first time and feeling his incipient popularity, Girkin actively enters the public space.

Escape from the front

Girkin’s tendency to insubordination and rejection of the system (since the system rejected him at one time) leads to a perverted form of entering the public space: Girkin does not want to enter the information space as the head of the DPR Ministry of Defense; his and his headquarters’ messages do not come as reports from the department or his units, but as private publications by Girkin under the pseudonym “Kotych” on an online forum for fans of reconstruction and military antiques.

That is, Girkin does not work in a team, does not associate himself with the republic, he has his own private opinion about everything. Girkin does not understand that in such a situation a member of the government cannot have a private opinion. He sees himself as the arbiter and measure of everything.

Girkin regularly makes video messages on the Internet, declaring that “there are few of us, we are fighting for the entire Donbass, there are no weapons.” This did not correspond to the real state of affairs. There were two reasons for these tragic statements:

Formation of one’s own heroic portrait of the “Knight of the Sad Image”, the only Hope of the Russian People

Preparing the ground for escape under the pretext that he has been abandoned by everyone (Girkin is already very scared, active hostilities are going on; he is also filled with the consciousness of the value of his person for history and sees his main task as preserving himself for Russia)

Strelkov’s management style in Slavyansk is characterized, on the one hand, by extremely inept command and passivity in the conduct of hostilities; on the other hand, extreme and unnecessary cruelty towards “suspicious persons” (mainly from among the local population, officials of the old administration). He also takes revenge on his comrades who are not loyal enough to him, as he himself thinks.

At the same time, Strelok, who is widely known in the media and the Internet, but is an insolvent figure (does not know the situation) cannot be called a real commander. A number of independent groups operating in the Slavic-Kramatorsk agglomeration are simply guided by him and interact with his people. Formally, Mozgovoy comes under the command of Strelok, but this is done largely for ideological reasons and has no real implementation. He manages the military forces in a criminally incompetent manner, given the losses.

By the time he left Slavyansk, Girkin’s psychological crisis had reached its peak. He spontaneously, contrary to orders, decides to flee, leaves quickly and secretly, abandoning some of his people and journalists.

The currently popular legend that Girkin came to restore order in Donetsk, which was about to be surrendered, is absolutely untrue. This version was born only in the fall of 2014, when Strelok had already been in Russia for a couple of months and began maintaining his reputation. In fact, Girkin is afraid to go to Donetsk, realizing that there will be many claims against him.

Then Strelok has no choice but to go to Donetsk. A city of one million people with a difficult balance of power frightens Strelok; he still does not know how to build relationships with normal men, and therefore he is only formally considered the head of the DPR Defense Ministry and does not try to exercise his powers in relation to really strong commanders.

Panic and humiliation

Girkin commands only part of those who left Slavyansk. On the bayonets of the Slavs who remained faithful, Girkin turns his energy in the usual direction: he deals with the obviously weak, that is, with civilians.

In Donetsk, Girkin meets his current, third wife. The type is again the same: 21 years old, poorly educated, outwardly attractive, native of the Ivanovo region of the Russian Federation, Miroslava Reginskaya, who came to Donetsk to study, but actually only got a job at a nightclub. She works in the Prime Minister's Secretariat. Girkin is impressed by the girl, walks around her in circles, but she focuses on more brutal men. Miroslava accepts Girkin’s courtship only after leaving the Russian Federation, when she turns out to be of no use to anyone, according to the principle “for lack of anything better,” but quite soon she takes on the role of a fighting girlfriend of the savior of the Russian World. Girkin flees to Russia.

Life after fear

Psychological complexes and a person’s character explain a lot in human destiny. But a person is one who is theoretically capable of rising above himself. At that moment, when the militia heroically fought with the nationalist battalions and the Ukrainian regular army, and the glory of the “300 Strelkovtsy” thundered in the Donbass, Girkin could make the most important choice in his life - to remain in history as a hero, and not as a petty provocateur. But it turned out that he was cruel enough to arrest people, provoke senseless victims, and was inflexible in torture and violence against those who were already in his power, “in the basement.” But he lacked his own determination and courage. A hero is one who sacrifices himself for a high goal, yes, often at the risk of others, but above all, facing the challenges of fate personally. But a provocateur - he only risks others. And when he realized that the “brilliant plan” had failed, he panicked and almost killed the entire militia. Girkin is unlikely to have another chance to overcome the trail of humiliation and complexes, and PR and political attempts will make him more and more ridiculous. Such is the fate of the imitator, the reenactor, the provocateur, who had a chance to become the hero of history, but who will remain the character of dirty and cruel jokes.

Vyacheslav Ponomarev, P the first mayor of the rebel Slavyansk,Mikhail Verin, To commander of the Russian Orthodox Army,Tamerlan Enaldiev, Tocommander of a separate Cossack regimentRepublican Guard of the DPR, pguard ataman of the Terek Cossack army