Folk art of the Yakuts. Styles of Yakut folk song

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Nogovitsyn Vasily Andreevich. Chabyrgakh as a genre of Yakut folklore: dissertation... Candidate of Philological Sciences: 01/10/09. - Yakutsk, 2005. - 158 p. RSL OD,

Introduction

Chapter I. Genre characteristics of Chabyrgakh 22

1.1. Definition of genre 22

1.2. Genre classification 44

1.3. Folds of deaf Peter 71

Chapter II. Tradition and innovation in the Chabyrgakh genre .87

2.1. General and special artistic characteristics of Chabyrgakh 87

2.2. Yakut literature and Chabyrgakh 105

2.3. Chabyrgakh and amateur performances 116

Conclusion 131

List of sources 139

References 142

Appendix 149

List of abbreviations

Introduction to the work

Relevance of the topic. IN In Yakut oral folk art, the chabyrgakh genre occupies a special place. In the past, chabyrgi, as a genre of satire and humor, was one of the popular and favorite genres of folklore of the Yakut people. In amateur and professional art, and currently he uses special success. However, chabyrgakh as a genre of oral folk poetry of the Sakha (Yakuts) has not yet been the object of special research.

Due to the fact that in Yakut folklore there is no special monographic study on this topic, the dissertation author chose to study chabyrgakh as a genre of Yakut oral folk art

Based on this, it became necessary to identify traditional and modern chabyrgakhs by content and structure, thereby achieving a deeper definition and understanding of one of the small genres of Yakut folklore - chabyrgakh.

This work is the first attempt to translate the allegorical words of chabyrgakh into Russian.

We mostly stuck to scientific translation. But in the sections

where it is not possible to translate a literary text, we gave preference to a literal translation and in the notes to these texts we tried to give a scientific version of the translation based on the genesis of texts (concepts).

Since 1985, public life has been built on the principles of democratization and humanization. In recent years, the “Concept for the renewal and development of national schools in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)” has been developed, aimed at reviving education in the native language.

There are enthusiastic teachers and cultural workers who have achieved considerable success in promoting Yakut folklore, including chabyrgakh. In 1990, the republican chabyrgakhsyt competition was successfully held, in which amateur groups from many uluses took an active part. The authors of many chabyrgakh texts on a modern topic were identified - Gerasimova M.A., Matakhova M.N., Mestnikova E.K., etc. Collections of chabyrgakhs by the above-mentioned authors were published, in which the content of the texts, their compositional structure in the form of satirical poems - tongue twisters shows, on the one hand, popularity and demand, and on the other, a misunderstanding of the artistic features of this genre, its secrecy, allegory and abstruseness. Thus, the relevance of the topic of the proposed work is caused by the increased interest of the people in oral folk art in general and, in particular, in the chabyrgakh genre.

Goals and objectives of the study. The dissertation author believes that traditional genre feature chabyrgakha - allegory, abstruseness, play on words, poetics of the genre, etc. and the ways of development of the genre in modern Yakut folklore still remain completely unexplored and require special monographic study. Due to this purpose dissertation work is to determine the role and place of chabyrgakh in the system of genres of Yakut oral folk art, the path of its development and functional significance in modern conditions, i.e. outside the traditional folklore environment.

To achieve this goal, the following specific tasks are set:

studying the origins and evolution of the genre;

structural analysis and classification of chabyrgakhs;

analysis of the poetics and semantics of traditional and modern forms chabyrgakha;

The study of its development and modern existence in modern times.

Object of study is the traditional genre of Yakut oral folk art - chabyrgakh and its place in modern reality.

The subject of the research is the history of collection and research of chabyrgakh, the degree of prevalence, definition and classification, poetics and development of the genre.

Methodology and research methodology.

The work uses descriptive, typological, comparative-historical methods, as well as the principle of systematicity and semantic analysis. The theoretical basis of the proposed work is based on early research by famous folklorists, literary scholars and linguists related to the study of the problem of genre classification of folklore works, poetic analysis, poetics of folklore and literature (V.M. Zhirmunsky, 1974; V.P. Propp, 1976; A. E. Kulakovsky, 1957, 1978, 1979; A.I. Sofronov (Kyayygyyap), 1926; P.A. Oyunsky, 1959, 1993; G.M. Vasiliev, 1940, 1965, 1973; N.N. Toburokov, 1985 ; N.V. Pokatilova, 1999, and others).

Chronological framework. Second half of the 19th century. - 20th century.

The degree of knowledge of the topic. The collection and study of materials from Yakut oral folk art began in the first half of the 18th century. Thus, early researchers, G. Miller, I. Gmelin, J. Lindenau (1733-1743 II Kamchatka Expedition), based on materials from historical legends, made the first assumptions about the ancestors of the Yakuts, the origin Yakut language. In 1842-1845. Academician A.F. Middendorf collected song lyrics, olonkho, and information about the “circular dance.” It is also known that in 1847 A.Ya. Uvarovsky included riddles and the text of the olonkho in his Memoirs. R.K. Maakom in 1854-1855. during

expedition to the Vilyuisky district, the texts of two olonkhos and riddles were recorded.

The first travelers who studied the history and life of the Yakut people had no observations about chabyrgakh. The first information about chabyrgakh is available in the work of the famous Russian folklorist, political exile IA Khudyakov (1842-1875) " Short description Verkhoyansk district".

Remarks and individual notes about this genre of Yakut folklore are found in the works of V.L. Seroshevsky [Yakuty, 1993]. Participant of the Sibiryakov expedition, political exile E.K. Pekarsky in his famous “Dictionary of the Yakut Language” defined chabyrgakh as a play on words and meanings.

S.A. Novgorodov in 1914, while a student at St. Petersburg University, was sent by the Russian Committee for the Study of Central and East Asia to Yakutia to collect folklore materials. During his expedition S.A. Novgorodov recorded two chabyrgakhs [Novgorodov 1991, 77-78]. In two of his articles, he noted chabyrgi as a special independent genre of Yakut folklore [Novgorodov 1991, p. 19; 1997, p.68].

Perhaps Chabyrgakhov was involved in recording texts before him

founder of Yakut literature, great connoisseur and collector

Yakut folklore A.E. Kulakovsky. In 1912 he wrote

literary chabyrgah. This work was published in his

collection of 1925:

Ollur-bollur Nevpovad-irrhythmic

Ekir-bukur At random

Yunkuleehteen, Dancer,

Erii-buruu Sweeping and awkward

Taibaahidaan, Let's wave,

Hey-goy Hey-ohy 7

Yllaamakhtaan, Drinking,

Isiehein ere, dogor! Come on, friends!

Iehey-chuokhay yllaamakhtaan, sing loudly and loudly,

Ieen-tuoyan ytaamakhtaan, Heartfeltly, with lamentations

please cry

Iehey-maahai daibaahaydaan, wave joyfully, sweepingly-

Hey-doguy yunkyuleehteen... With exclamations of hey-ohy

dance... [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, storage unit. 658 a, l.1]

In the introductory part of both texts there is grammatical and semantic repetition. There is no similar text in archival and published materials. And the time difference between the first (1912) and second (1945) options is 33 years. Therefore, it can be assumed that the once widespread text of this chabyrgakh was forgotten or was not used by the performers. There is no doubt that A.E. Kulakovsky in his work used the chabyrgakh motif, popular among the people at the beginning of the 20th century. We can say that he recorded the archaic, now forgotten text of one of the traditional Yakut chabyrgakhs

Our guess was confirmed by the fact that in his letter to E.K. Pekarsky A.E. Kulakovsky wrote that for the development of written Yakut literature, he collected folklore materials and provided a list of collected materials. Chabyrgakh was also included in this list, along with works of other genres [Toburokov et al. 1993, p. 94].

In 1926, one of the founders of Yakut literature A.I. Sofronov, in the article “Chabyrgakh”, published in the magazine “Cholbon” (No. 2), expressed the idea of ​​​​the possibility of developing chabyrgakh as a literary genre. Also in the article he attempted to define chabyrgakh as a genre. A.I. Sofronov tried to identify the “real chabyrgah” and in

Chabyrgakh Dyuley Diaakypa "Itege-tetege" was cited as an example. According to the note of A.I. Sofronova, the real name of this chabyrgakhsyt is Yakov Vasilyevich Titov (1833-1916), but among the people he was also known as Dyulei Byukaeni, i.e. Deaf Peter (hereinafter Dyulei Byukaeni or Deaf Peter - V.N.). He was a native of Bakhsyt nasleg b. Meginsky ulus [Novgorodov 1991, p. 108].

In the same article A.I. Sofronov came to the interesting conclusion that the author’s “Folds about what was seen and heard” by Gyulei Bükeene cannot be recognized as real chabyrgakhs. It is obvious to us that A.I. Sofronov collected and analyzed the texts of the Chabyrgakhs. It is valuable that he was the first to draw attention to the existence of folk and literary (author's) texts of the Yakut chabyrgakh [Kyayygyyap 1926, pp. 29-30].

In 1999, a collection of the legendary chabyrgakhsyt Glukhoy Peter, “Folds about what was seen and heard: Tongue Twisters,” was published. In the collection, all texts are arranged chronologically [Titov 1999, p. 121]. As the compiler of the collection G.V. suggests. Popova/the first texts “Uluu tunui diakhtarga” and “Dyösögöyten telkelah” were recorded in 1926 by E.E. Makarov [Titov 1999, pp. 121, 125]. Unfortunately, in the texts of E.E. Makarov did not provide any information about the informant or the location where the said texts were recorded.

In 1927, on September 14, in the village of Chapchylgan, Amga ulus, another text “Sakhalyy chabyrgah” was recorded from T. Toyuktaakh. According to the note by G.V. Popov, this record was found in the materials of I.P., a participant in the complex expedition of the USSR Academy of Sciences to study the productive forces of the Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in 1925-27. Soikonen [Titov 1999, p. 126].

Thus, the records of E.E. Makarov and I.P. Soikonen laid the foundation for the fixation of chabyrgakh in Soviet times.

In published by E.I. Korkina’s book “Olonkho, songs, ethnographic notes” contains correspondence from G.U. Ergis with M.N. Androsova-Ionova. In one of the letters from M.N. Androsova-Ionova reports: “I wrote several chabyrgakhs, when you arrive, I will show them to you” [Androsova-Ionova 1993, p. 353]. This book includes one of these texts.

In 1938, under the leadership of the SI. Bolo and A. A. Savvin organized a folklore and dialectological expedition to the Vilyui group of regions of Yakutia. In order to more fully cover the vast territory of this group of regions, the expedition worked along two routes. Judging by the certification of materials, during the work of the expedition, the collectors relied on the records of teachers and students of rural schools. Along with recordings of olonkho texts, historical legends, folk songs, riddles, proverbs and sayings, special attention was paid to the collection of chabyrgakhs.

An analysis of the chabyrgakh records shows that most of the texts were collected by A.A. Savvin. In one Vilyui region, he recorded 41 texts: from the Kyrgydai nasleg - 14, Yugyulet - 9, Togus - 5, from the Khalbaaki and Khampa naslegs 4 each, Borogontsov - 3, II Kulet - 2.

From a 79-year-old resident of N.M. Alexandrova from the village of Kugdar, Nyurba district, recorded 5 texts. Expedition members from 73-year-old I.G. Kytakhov, a resident of the village of Allyn, Suntar ulus, recorded 13 chabyrgakhs. In the village of Suntar - 6, Tyubey Jarhan - 8. And 9 more texts were written down by schoolchildren. All these texts are currently stored in the archives of the YSC SB RAS.

In addition to these areas, the expedition worked in two naslegs of the Kobyai ulus, where in the village II Lyuchyun from G. Kychikinov and in nasleg II Sitte according to P.G. Kolmogorov were recorded from one text. Thus, the expedition led by A.A. Savvina enriched the archival material with 84 texts of the Chabyrgakhs.

During these years, the archives of the Institute of Language and Culture received chabyrgakhs I.G. Ivanov (recorded by S.I. Bolo). According to a resident of the village of Kuochui, Kobyai district, D.G. Pavlov wrote down the text attributed to Deaf Peter “Onoyorkoon ayakhtanan”. Also from a resident of the same area, I.T. Sofronova P.P. Makarov wrote down the text of "Tanara Chabyrgaga".

In 1939, the archive fund of the said institute continued to receive texts of chabyrgakhs from correspondent collectors. In naslegs of Kobyai region II Sitte and Kuokuy P.P. Makarov wrote down one chabyrgakh each. In Churapchinsky district E.E. Lukin recorded two texts “Kepselge kiirbit” and “Dyrgyydaan-durguydaan”. According to V.D. Lukin, a resident of the village of Khaptagai, Megino-Kangalas region, wrote down the text “Syp-sap”.

In 1939-1941. The Institute of Language and Culture organized an expedition to the northern regions of Yakutia, led by SI. Bolo and A.A. Savin. She worked on two routes. Chabyrgakhs were mainly collected in the Momsky district under the leadership of the SI. Bolo and Abyi region under the leadership of A.A. Savvina.

In 1941, the folklore and dialectological expedition of the institute worked in the Amginsky, Gorny and Kobyaisky regions. HER. Lukin, a participant in this expedition, collected 2 chabyrgahs from the residents of the village of Altansy in the Amga region, and one chabyrgakh was collected from the residents of the villages of Abaga, Somorsun, Emis, and Omollon. In the same year, in the Churapcha district from a resident of the Alagar nasleg, Lytkina SI. 4 chabyrgahs were recorded. And also in the naslegs of II Sitte, Kokuy of the Kobyai region and from II Atamai of the Mountain region, one text was recorded.

In addition to expeditionary materials, during these years the archives of this institute continued to receive records of Chabyrgakhs from its correspondents.

Institute of Language and Culture from 1938 to 1941 Work on collecting folklore materials was widely launched. Over the years, about 150 chabyrgakh texts have been collected.

In the first years of the war in 1941-1943. For obvious reasons, the collection of folklore materials was temporarily stopped. In 1944, the archive fund was replenished with 10 more texts. In the same year, according to the words of the famous folk singer S.A. Zverev from the Suntarsky region of Yakutia and from a resident of the Megino-Kangalassky region, the famous shaman Abramov-Alaadya, the texts of the Chabyrgakhs were recorded. Also from the Abyisky, Megino-Kangalassky, Suntarsky and Churapchinsky districts of Yakutia, several chabyrgakhs were received into the archive fund.

More than 10 texts were recorded in 1945. And in the period from 1946 to 1947, the archive fund was replenished with more than ten texts of the Chabyrgakhs. They were recorded in the Ust-Aldan, Vilyui, Suntar and Ordzhonikidze (now Kangalassky ulus - V.N) regions by correspondent collectors.

The archives of the YSC SB RAS contain the texts of the Chabyrgakhs, recorded from the words of the famous olonkhosut of the Tattinsky region E.D. Kulakovsky-Wat Hoyostoon and from Moma resident R.P. Uvarovsky. There is also a 1949 recording of the chabyrgakh-fold “About what was seen and heard” from an 80-year-old resident of Tatta A.S. Totorbotova. The archive also received chabyrgakhs collected by schoolchildren of the literary circle of the Markhinskaya school in the Nyurba district.

In 1951, 1956-1958 from the Vilyuisky district according to I. Lebedkin, Nyurbinsky district according to P.S. Spiridonova, I.M. Kharitonov, Momsky district, according to R.P. Uvarovsky, Verkhoyansky district from A.E. Gorokhova, N.F. Gorokhov, several chabyrgakhs were recorded and archived.

Thus, it can be argued that the collection of folklore materials on the genre we are studying was mainly carried out in the 30s and 40s.

Fruitful work on collecting chabyrgakhs was carried out by a folklore expedition that worked in 1960 in the Nyurba region of Yakutia. 2 texts were recorded in the Megezhek nasleg, one each in the Chukar nasleg, I Kangalas and in the regional center of Nyurba several texts were recorded.

In the same year E.I. Korkina, P.S. Danilova, P.E. Efremov in the Tattinsky district according to N.P. Dzhorgotov, Ust-Maisky district from the words of I.P. Adamova, S.N. Atlasova, D.G. Ivanova and T.K. Kochelasov recorded several chabyrgakhs.

In 1962, 1965, 1966, one chabyrgakh each came from the Tattinsky and Megino-Kangalassky districts. In 1972, the chabyrgakh riddle was recorded by P.N. Dmitriev in the Ordzhonikidze district. Six texts “Altan atyyrdaakh”, “Tyuyun-tyyun tereebut”, “Chuo-chuo cholbon”, “Kilietin kilyu”, “Myuchchu ketyuten” and “Kuogai-iegey” were recorded by P.N. Dmitriev from the 70-year-old performer Pavel Innokentyevich Zamorshchikov.

In 1972, a republican folklore festival was held in the city of Yakutsk. Many chabyrgakhs were performed. During the festival, previously unrecorded texts were identified and archived U Chabyrgakhov: 2 from performers of the Tattinsky district and 4 texts from A. Romanov from the Megino-Kangalassky district.

In 1973, the texts of the chabyrgakh folk singer, olonkhosut from the Ust-Aldan region R.P. were submitted to the archives of the YSC SB RAS. Alekseeva.

The archive also contains the text of Chabyrgakh G.S. Semenov-Dyrbyky Khabyryys, recorded by V.P. Eremeev in 1974. In 1986, the archive fund was replenished with the texts of several chabyrgakhs, previously recorded from the words of Konon Sergeev in the Nyurba region.

Thus, the first records of Chabyrgakhs were made even before October revolution, but a targeted collection of materials was carried out in 1938-1941. Rich material was collected by folklore and dialectological expeditions of the YALI Institute. Most of the texts were collected by SI. Bolo, A.A. Savvin, E.E. Lukin, P.P. Makarov, I.P. Pakhomov.

Judging by the passport of records, chabyrgakhs were collected from most of the territory of the republic. Chabyrgakhs did not gather in the Kolyma group of uluses, in some northern and southern uluses, where expeditionary work was not carried out.

Having grouped the texts of the Chabyrgakhs, recorded in different uluses and stored in the archives of the YSC SB RAS, we received the following picture:

Vilyuisky - 47;

Suntarsky - 32;

Nyurbinsky-19;

Megino-Kangalassky - 16;

Alekseevsky (now Tattinsky ulus) - 14;

Momsky and Abyisky - 12 each;

Amginsky, Ordzhonikidze (now Kangalassky ulus), Churapchinsky, Ust-Aldansky, Kobyaisky - 9 each;

Ust-Maysky - 4;

Namsky-2;

10. Tomponsky, Yansky, Verkhne-Vilyuisky - one text each.
So, the archives of the Yaroslavl Scientific Center SB RAS currently contain more than

two hundred texts recorded from 90 performers from 17 uluses. About a hundred texts were recorded in the Vilyui group of uluses, 58 in the central group of uluses, and 39 from the northern groups. These data indicate that chabyrgakh is widespread and is a favorite genre of the Yakut people.

An interesting fact is that in comparison with the Vilyui group of uluses, a smaller number of Chabyrgakhs were recorded in the central uluses. As you know, it was in these uluses that most of the famous olonkhosuts, singers and experts on antiquity were born and lived. E D Androsov, the author of a popular science essay in two parts “Olonkhosuts and singers of Tatta,” writes: “all the famous olonkhosuts of the Tatta ulus were also skilled chabyrgakhsyts” [Androsov 1993].

In our opinion, this issue can be explained by the following circumstances: firstly, the collection and study of oral folk art of the central district of Yakutia began and was more or less fully carried out even before the October Revolution. It was in this district that the famous Sibiryakov expedition worked (1894-1896), the participants of which were political exiles who were well acquainted with Yakut life and had a fairly good command of the Yakut language; secondly, the first researchers and enthusiastic collectors of Yakut folklore mostly came from the central uluses. Apparently, the Institute of Language and Culture considered that in the central uluses the collection of folklore materials was going more or less well. Therefore, they decided to focus on covering the remote uluses of the republic. In this regard, the first professionally trained folklorists of SI. Bolo and A.A. Savvin was sent to the Vilyui and northern uluses.

As a result, more chabyrgakh texts were recorded in the Momsky and Abyysky uluses than in some central uluses, where since ancient times oral folk art was more developed than in the peripheries of Yakutia, in particular, such central uluses as Amginsky, Kangalassky and Ust-Aldansky .

Passport data of 39 texts of chabyrgakhs recorded in the northern uluses, at first glance, create the impression that chabyrgakhs in the north in

It was mainly distributed in Mom and Abyye. However, according to informant G.P. Potapov follows that, although chabyrgakh was recorded in the Abyi ulus, it also existed in the Yanek ulus (now Verkhoyansk - V.N.): “Bu kisi Dyaana I Baida kisite. -40 s." - “This man is a native of I Baida Yanek (apparently the Yansky ulus - V.N.) There he learned from one elderly old woman, even when he was in his homeland” [Archive of the Yaroslavl Scientific Center SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, unit. file 481, l.8].

In 1999, during our folklore expedition in the village of Dulgalakh, Verkhoyansk ulus, indigenous resident Vera Vasilievna Vasilyeva (born in 1935, 7th grade education) said the following: “Iyem chabyrgakhtyyryn ister buolarym: “Khankys-kunkus, // Kurbuu-dyrbii, // Elemaet -telemeet,// Eppit-tyyimmyt,// Esiekei-dyerenkey..." Bert usunnuk eteechchi yes, umnaasbippin. Manik kyys tusunan bysyylaah ete. "Erien daba yrbaahylaah." enin dien. "Chorbuonus dobuolien" nuuchchalaasynnaah byutesiger" - "Sly shala mother's tongue twisters: "Nods and sways, // Around and around, // Pieces and shreds, // The one who said and exhaled, // The round dance and jump..." I performed for quite a long time, but I forgot. It seems it was about a playful girl “With a colorful dress...”, etc. She ended in Russian (distorted in the Yakut way - V.N.) “The Chervonets is happy.”

From a resident of the village. Dulgalakh, Verkhoyansk ulus Sleptsov Gavril Aleksandrovich-Sebieskei Ganya (born 1932, 7th grade education) in the same year the following information was recorded: “Basykaan Aanyskata (nickname of Vasilyeva A.G., natural mother of the above-named Vasilyeva V.V. - V.N.) I think she performed tongue twisters... I remember at the boarding school I rarely performed tongue twisters as a joke. In those days, tongue twisters were even in textbooks.

It was in 1942, probably... then in my childhood" (village of Dulgalakh. Locality "Ysyakh yspyt". 08/21-1999).

During the expedition, we became acquainted with six traditional texts of the Chabyrgakhs, which were recorded in the village of Sartan, Verkhoyansk region, by a first-year student of the Faculty of History and Philology of the Yakut State University, Nina Ignatievna Sleptsova (now Filippova - V.N.), dated 1966. The texts were typed on a typewriter and are stored in the archives of the Verkhoyansk Museum “Pole of Cold” and in the possession of the collector herself.

Thus, the lack of recording of samples of works of certain genres in certain uluses does not indicate the oblivion of any genre in individual uluses, but speaks of the unevenness of field work on collecting folklore materials in Yakutia.

We were interested in the fact that in the three Kolyma uluses, where the folklore and dialectological expedition was carried out (1939-1941), not a single chabyrgakh text was recorded. This can be explained by the following reasons: firstly, the greater distance from cultural center republics, i.e. central uluses, did not allow scientists to visit the uluses when the genre existed; secondly, the small population of the districts did not allow the genre to actively exist and served as the reason for its extinction, and then disappearance from active use, thirdly, the head of the folklore and dialectological expedition, SI Bolo, apparently paid the main attention to the collection of historical legends. It is known that there is a prepared for printed the manuscript “The Past of the North of the Yakut ASSR”, where Sesenem Bolo, based on the historical legends of the northern Yakuts, attempted to study the history of the Yakuts’ development of the valleys of the Indigirka and Kolyma rivers [Vinokurov 1993, p.39].

In addition, we have established that during the expedition to the Vilyui group of districts in 1938-39, SI. Bolo recorded only

three texts by the Chabyrgakhs and then only from one informant [F.5, op.Z,
storage unit 5, l. 12]. Perhaps this did not satisfy the management of the Institute,
therefore, in the first settlement of the expedition route on
g North, in the Momsky district S. Bolo recorded 15 texts of the Chabyrgakhs. Further,

Probably, the desire to study the history of the region took over, and he switched only to recording historical legends and stories. For this reason, it seems to us, in the Kolyma group of uluses SI. Bolo did not record a single text of the chabyrgakh.

All of the above allows us to conclude that chabyrgakh was widespread throughout the territory of settlement of the Yakuts, including in the extreme northeast, since the genre itself is an integral part of the folklore of the people and lives in the memory of rhapsodists in any spatiotemporal relationship any territory,

1 which is mastered by the nomad of the north - the Yakut hunter, the Sakha reindeer herder and

herdsman

So, in the history of research and collection of the genre, we have identified four stages: 1) 1870-1911; 2) 1912-1934; 3) 1935-1974; 4) 1989-2001.

The first stage gives us scanty, but the first necessary information about chabyrgakh, important for studying the genesis of it as a genre. Political exiles: Russian folklorist I.A. Khudyakov, Polish writer, ethnographer V.L. Seroshevsky, compiler of the Yakut language dictionary, academician E.K. Pekarsky was considered a play on words, an example of wit, puns, and jokes. V.L. Seroshevsky suggested that chabyrgakh originates from the ritual poetry of the Yakuts, incomprehensible to outside listeners.

At the second stage (1912-1934), attempts to define the genre and

„ some comments about the specifics and features of chabyrgakh were

expressed by the first galaxy of Yakut intelligentsia - A.E. Kulakovsky,

S.A. Novgorodov, A.I. Sofronov and P.A. Oyunsky. At this time, chabyrgakh was preserved in its traditional forms and continued to exist, as in pre-revolutionary times.

The third stage (1935-1974) was a period of flourishing collecting activity with the assistance of the Institute of Language and Culture at the Council of People's Commissars of the Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, opened in 1935 (later the Institute of Language, Literature and History of the Yaroslavl Branch of the Siberian Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences).

An archive was organized at the institute, where more than 200 texts were deposited, which formed the basis of our research and were subjected to detailed analysis.

From 1975 to 1988, according to our data, no research work There has been no collection and analysis of chabyrgakhs. But at the same time, chabyrgakh as a satirical genre was in demand for castigating individual shortcomings of society and human vices, and became popular in amateur performances. This allowed the genre not only to survive, but also to receive further development. The evolution of chabyrgakh received a new impetus: the texts were transformed, and sometimes written anew, i.e. development received a second authorial life, one might say, a new ideological and social orientation.

Purposeful scientific study of chabyrgakh as a genre of Yakut folklore began only in the late 90s. XX in So, in 1989, an article by G.A. Frolova “Chabyrgakh” [Frolova 1989, p.96-100]. After it, separate collections of texts by amateur authors and articles in local newspapers and magazines dedicated to chabyrgakh appeared. The main content of the articles was that the genre is viable and in demand, and needs assistance for further development as a colloquial and satirical genre of amateur performances.

mastery of the Chabyrgakhsyts But these articles did not resolve controversial issues and did not provide anything new in the matter of defining and classifying the genre. In the articles by A.G. Frolova, then in ours the question was raised that “folds about what was seen and heard” by Deaf Peter cannot be classified as a genre of chabyrgakhs.

Separately, it is necessary to note the article by E.N. Romanova "Children's folklore of the Yakuts: text and metatext", where the author considers Yakut tongue twisters as "the first speech in the sacred tradition" and considers it the basis for the emergence of poetic speech [Romanova 1998]. Later, her hypothesis was supported in an article by L.I. Novgorodova and L.F. Rozhina “Chabyrgakh: text and metatext (to the problem of non-ritual forms of Yakut folklore)” [Novgorodova, Rozhina 2001].

In the book by N.V. Pokatilova’s “Yakut alliterative poetry” examines in detail the construction of chabyrgah; as a manifestation of the early literary stage of development of Yakut alliterative verse. It identifies the poetic features of chabyrgakh as an archaic genre of Yakut oral poetic creativity [Pokatilova 1999].

A number of collections of chabyrgakhs by A. D. Skryabina “Methods of teaching chabyrgakhs (tongue twisters)” were also published. Texts by chabyrgakhs on modern topics were published by active participants in amateur artistic performances M. Matakhov, M. Gerasimov, etc.

Thus, at the fourth stage of the study, the main attention was paid to identifying the differences between traditional and modern chabyrgakhs, the features of the genre and its forms, as well as analyzing the creativity of chabyrgakhsyts. Along with this, this period can be considered the period of the revival of chabyrgakh as a genre of satire in Yakut oral folk art.

Source base of the research. The study was carried out on the following groups of sources:

archival, handwritten materials from the collections of the Institute for Scientific Research of the SB RAS;

works of Yakut writers and texts of modern Chabyrgakhsyts, published separately, as well as published on the pages of republican newspapers and magazines in the Yakut language;

field materials of the dissertation candidate, collected in 1993-2003. in the Amginsky, Verkhoyansky, Kangalassky, Megino-Kangalassky, Olekminsky, Ust-Aldansky, Churapchinsky uluses of Yakutia and materials collected by students of the Yakut State University and the College of Culture and Art of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) during educational folklore practice under the guidance of the dissertation candidate.

Novelty of the work is that it is the first to systematize and provide a generalized analysis of chabyrgakh as a traditional genre of Yakut folklore. For the first time, based on a wide range of folklore material through a comprehensive study, an interpretation of its genesis is given, the evolution of chabyrgakh is shown, and the paths of its modern development are revealed.

Theoretical and practical significance of the work. The research undertaken in the dissertation contributes to the study of the previously insufficiently studied genre of Yakut oral folk poetry, defines chabyrgakh as a special genre, determines the artistic and aesthetic possibilities of the genre, reveals structural and semantic features, poetics and specificity of Yakut tongue twisters. The results of the dissertation research can be used in the preparation of scientific and methodological manuals, for further study of Yakut versification by students-philologists, teachers and methodologists in Yakut literature and folklore, as well as propagandists of the folklore traditions of the Sakha people, participants in amateur art groups, authors-writers of chabyrgakhs on modern Topics. The dissertation materials can be

involved in comparative analysis of similar genres of oral folk art of other peoples.

Approbation of work. The main provisions of the dissertation are presented in
d speeches and theses at scientific conferences, including

Republican scientific and practical conference “S.A. Zverev:
Folklore and modernity" (Yakutsk, 2000); Republican scientific-
practical conference “Christianity in art, folklore and
education" (Yakutsk, 2000); III International Symposium
“Baikal Meetings: Cultures of the Peoples of Siberia” (Ulan-Ude, 2001);
Republican Scientific and Practical Conference “Spirituality -
the dictates of the time" (Yakutsk, 2001); scientific-practical conference
“Sofronov Readings” (Yakutsk, 2001); Republican scientific-
practical conference « Actual problems modern Yakut"
1 philology" (Yakutsk, 2002); I interregional scientific conference

"Language. Myth. Ethnoculture" (Kemerovo, 2003); IV International

symposium “Ethnocultural education: improving

training of specialists in the field traditional cultures» (Ulan-Ude,

2003). The applicant also made a presentation at the Republican

scientific and practical seminar of cultural workers “Chabyrgakh

(tongue twisters): tradition and modernity" (village Balyktakh, Megino-

Kangalassky ulus, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), 2002).

The dissertation author conducts a special course “Chabyrgakh as a genre of oral folk poetry” for philology students in Yakutsk state university, as well as students of the College of Culture and Art in Yakutsk.

Structure of the dissertation work consists of an introduction, two
chapters, conclusion, list of sources and references,
X applications.

Definition of genre

Before starting to define the genre, we considered it necessary to make an attempt to identify the genesis of chabyrgakh. There is no definite hypothesis about the origin of this genre in Yakut folklore. However, resolving the issue of the origin and formation of folklore genres is of particular importance. As S. G. Lazutin writes, elucidating the genesis and ideological and artistic specificity of genres gives us “the opportunity to more accurately determine their place in modern folklore, to express more realistic considerations about the prospects for their further development” [Lazutin 1989, p.Z].

Therefore, it is of paramount importance to highlight the issue of the origin of chabyrgakh - which is of interest as a play on words, and as a genre of satire and humor.

Judging by individual comments, chabyrgakhs arose in ancient times. Back at the end of the 19th century, V.L. Seroshevsky noticed that children's tongue twisters “contain fragments of ancient spells” [Seroshevsky 1993, p. 515].

As noted by A.I. Sofronov, some words used in chabyrgakh are sometimes incomprehensible even to the performer himself. They, apparently, are words of ancient origin that have not been preserved in modern vocabulary and no one now knows their true meaning [Kyayygyyap 1926, p. 29].

There is an interesting remark by G.V. about the antiquity of the origin of the genre. Ksenofontov in the work "Uraanghai sakhalar. Essays on ancient history Yakuts" [Op. cit. vol. 1. P. 338]. The author cites two lines of a children's tongue twister consisting of paired words, the exact meaning of which, according to him, was “not entirely clear to them”:

“Anghara-Dzhanghara Walbara-Chuolbara...” As he explained, here the word “Anghara” is associated with the Angara River, flowing from Lake Baikal. G.V. At the same time, Xenofontov cited an ancient Buryat legend about Lake Baikal, where “Lake Baikal is a very old man who has many sons - rivers and rivulets, who bring their waters to the parental bosom, but... on the other hand, the old man has one and only wasteful daughter, the beautiful Angara, who he takes his father’s acquired waters with him somewhere to the north as a dowry of goods” and thereby ruins the old man of Baikal. This is perhaps the only text that preserves the name of the river, where, according to G.V. Ksenofontova, once upon a time there lived our ancestors/acquaintances with the legend of the beautiful Angara. This version can be supported by the explanation of G.U. Ergis that “Dyengkere Baikal is clear-water Baikal, Anghara Baikal is Angara Baikal” [Orosin 1947, p. 39]. That is, the name of the Angara river is precisely indicated here. And the word “walbara” is a modified verb from “wallara” (wal - dry + steam verb of the incentive voice + a affix singular 3 l.) meaning dries up or dehydrates. Thus, the interlinear translation of this text is as follows: “Angara-Dzhangara Dries-Drains...” An interesting remark by P.A. Oyunsky that “the first ancient Yakut creator of artistic expression, before ascending to the highest level of olonkho, began with the form chabyrgakh...” [Oyunsky 1962, p. 104]. Here he gives an example from Olonkho: Iegel-kuogal Iil-tapyl\

Ingkel-tanghal Iedeen-kuudaan A literal translation of this text into Russian is impossible, so we will give an interlinear translation: Swinging and bending // Scattering back and forth // Swaying from side to side // Grief and misfortune have come. Thus, P.A. Oyunsky believed that chabyrgakh is the “first step” of olonkho. Hence, historical roots We should look for chabyrgakh in the texts and images of olonkho.

V.V. Illarionov emphasized that “the description of the appearance of the heroes abasy, udaganok in the form of the verse is similar to chabyrgakh, and therefore it is no coincidence that the majority of olonkhosuts are chabyrgakhsyts” [Illarionov 1990, p.4.].

In the anthology "Yakut folklore" D.K. Sivtsev-Suorun Omolloon noted that mythological images of oral folk poetry Yakuts are “the basis for the further development of Yakut folklore” [Sivtsev 1947, p. 17].

According to P.A. Oyunsky, “the ditties of this most ancient type of folk art contain neither an object nor an action, they contain only a subject with its own qualities” [Oyunsky 1993, p. 61]. This is how the hero aiyy Kyun Diiribine calls the hero of the Lower World Wat Uputaaki: Buor sirey Earthy muzzle, Burgaldy soto Yoke-shaped shin, Haannaah ayah Bloody mouth, Khara tyokun... Evil robber... [Oyunsky 1959, p.81]. In the olonkho "Buura Dokhsun" the image of the hero from the Lower World Yeseh Dyuksul (literally - a clot of blood, the Finishing One) is conveyed in the following figurative words: Yonneeh Selegey, With wormy juice, Buor sirey, Earthy muzzle, Burgaldy soto, Yoke-shaped shin, Argah ayah, Burlog mouth, Ardiaah tiis... With sparse, large teeth... [Erilik Eristiin 1993, p.60] Negative images any olonkhosut are described satirically, mockingly. For example, in the olonkho text "Nyurgun Bootur the Swift" in the form of a chabyrgakh, mainly images of udagankas are depicted.

Genre classification

In 1937 G.U. Ergis developed a “Program for collecting Yakut artistic folklore”, where the section devoted to collecting chabyrgakh already classifies it, pointing to an intra-genre variety. This classification was published in the methodological manual by G.U. Ergis "Companion to the Yakut folklorist" (1945) and in his "Memo to collectors of Soviet folklore" (1947). According to G.U. Ergis, there are the following types of chabyrgakhs: “a) quickly pronounced short tongue twisters, for example: etege-tetege or chuo-chuo cholbon, etc. b) folds about what is seen and heard. c) tongue twisters with descriptive-figurative content.. ." [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, storage unit.Z, l.8]. Thus, G.U. Ergis was the first to attempt a scientific classification of chabyrgakh. But, in our opinion, this genre requires a more detailed consideration and identification of several types of chabyrgakh, since the definition of G.U Ergis does not fully reflect the specifics of the genre.

Genre chabyrgah D.K. Sivtsev classifies into two types: with figurative and direct meanings. He identified children's chabyrgakh by its functional meaning with Russian tongue twisters [Yakut folklore 1947, p. 144]. Chabyrgakh as a genre of humor and satire in terms of the severity of the content and the nature of the composition, from the point of view of D.K. Sivtsev, close to Russian ditties. The conclusions of DK Sivtsev are interesting, but there is a lot of confusion in them. Common functional purpose of folklore works different nations does not indicate their interaction or mutual influence, but speaks only of the commonality of tasks that the ethnic group solves with the help of folklore. Classification by type of content - hidden, veiled and not hidden (direct) - is ineffective for studying the genesis and essence of chabyrgakh. Thus, satire can be hidden or specific, addressed to a real character. This kind of chabyrgakh, of course, belongs to one type of chabyrgakh.

Having repeated his main conclusions about chabyrgakh as a special genre of Yakut folklore, G.M. Vasiliev emphasized the stability of the genre and noted the flourishing of chabyrgakh in amateur performances [Vasiliev, 1973, p. 167]. He saw the further development of chabyrgakh in its formation as a genre of satire, which has now been confirmed.

G.M. Vasiliev characterizes in more detail the distinctive features of the genre and the ways of its development. At the same time, G.M. Vasiliev did not give a clear classification of this genre of Yakut folklore.

When classifying chabyrgah, we proceed from the fact that chabyrgah in its functional meaning (broad sense) is diverse. If chabyrgahs of the type “bilbit-kerbut” - “learned, heard” or “sireyinen kepsiir” - from the “first person” can be attributed to a certain group, then the classification of humorous or amusing chabyrgakhs according to their purpose presents certain difficulties, due to the fact that in most cases it is impossible to unravel the contents of such chabyrgakhs.

From Grigoriev Kapiton Grigorievich (83 years old) from the village of Ynakhsyt, Nyurba ulus, in 1960, schoolchildren from the Markhinsky literary circle recorded three chabyrgakhs. He could not say what these chabyrgakhs were about and when they arose. Explained that. “They used to say this when I was a child. Imitating them, we said such chabyrgakhs to each other.” He said that people, not understanding what they were talking about, laughed and asked each other: “What did you say, what did you say?!” [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.6, d.353, l.7].

N.V. Emelyanov classified the genre “according to the common genesis, internal content and compositional and structural organization.” He grouped chabyrgakhs according to their functional purpose: "1) children's play; 2) amusing or humorous; 3) satirical; 4) folds about what he learned." Thus, N.V. Emelyanov proposed a more complex intra-genre classification [Ibid., pp. 325-339].

From the field of view of N.V. Emelyanov covered the most ancient forms of chabyrgakh, such as allegorical, chabyrgakh-riddles, as well as the use of chabyrgakh in the heroic epic.

N.V. Emelyanov writes that modern chabyrgakhsyts perform many chabyrgakhs only according to established tradition. And listeners perceive this as a play on words [Ergis 1974, p. 330].

Judging by the texts, many chabyrgakhs simultaneously contain elements of humor, fables, so to speak, “teasers,” so it is extremely difficult to attribute each of them to any specific group. When analyzing chabyrgakhs, we found it possible to classify individual samples of them as one or another species, based on an assessment of which of these elements predominates in a given chabyrgakh.

From the above it follows that the chabyrgakh genre has been the object of attention of many researchers, however, there is still no complete classification of chabyrgakh, and the questions of its genesis, semantics and evolution during the post-October revolution remain insufficiently studied.

All of the above allows us to conclude that Yakut chabyrgakhs should be classified into children's chabyrgakhs and chabyrgakhs for all listeners - adults and children. As you know, the Yakuts in the past lived in yurts, which were not divided into separate rooms. Meals and festive feasts were common to all family members. Children were present at all rituals during the performance of olonkho. And chabyrgakhs were performed for general entertainment.

Children's chabyrgakhs can be divided into works whose purpose was to form correct diction; development of imaginative thinking, knowledge of the surrounding world, satire. As noted above, to develop speech, children were forced to make puns.

General and special artistic characteristics of Chabyrgakh

Chabyrgakh is a unique poetic genre of Yakut oral folk art. Perhaps chabyrgakh is the initial stage of Yakut alliterative verse [Pokatilova 1999].

In this case, “in the absence of alliteration... it is metrically felt like verse due to its distinct division into commensurate segments” [Pokatilova 1999, p. 31]. According to N.V. Pokatilova, this “type of chabyrgakh represents an earlier stage in the development of alliterative verse...” [Pokatilova 1999, p.31]. As she writes, chabyrgakh is the basis of “the most archaic verse... Conventionally, this phenomenon can be designated as relics of the “pre-alliterative” coherence of the verse” [Pokatilova 1999, p. 35]. Along with alliteration, rhymes play a significant role in the structural organization of chabyrgakh. As is known, in Yakut poetry verbal rhymes predominate, because in the Yakut language the verb usually comes at the end of the sentence. The specificity of chabyrgakhs should be recognized as the fact that they rhyme mainly nouns and adjectives. Analysis of archival materials shows that such rhymes are found in approximately 80% of the available records of Chabyrgakhs. Words in chabyrgakh are often rhymed using suffixes like “laakh” and its variants: “looh”, “deeh”, “daah”, etc. For example: Ogdyogurkaan oioolooh, With a short caftan, Sagdyakyrkaan samyylaakh, With thin hips, Emtegiykeen enerdeeh, With a short apron, Byrykaikaan byardaah, With a poor appendage, Bultegirkeen berdeekh.

Folklore works are characterized by stable, constant epithets. In Yakut oral folk poetry, epithets are the favorite means of poetically characterizing objects. In Chabyrgakh, epithets clearly characterize the distinctive features of the appearance of animals. At the same time, they are described in the form of an enumeration, a sequential characteristic of the animal’s appearance. For example: Sartaayar tanyylaah, With wide nostrils, Sandalas harakhtaah, With widened eyes, Sabaary tyuyosteeh, With a wide chest, Dallygyr kulgaahtaah, With splayed ears, Sallagar bastaah, With a big head, Kugus moonnyulaah, With a thin neck, Koygyogyor isteeh, With a big belly , Sibie sisteekh, With a strong back, Bydagai argastaakh, With a high crest, Chabydygas tuyakhtaakh With clattering hooves Taba kyyl baar. There is an [animal] deer. [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, archive unit YuO, l.ZZ] Or, image of a cow: Sytykan yyraakh, Stinking hoof, Syllaran tamyk, Skinned knee, Chorookh kuturuk, Sticking tail, Turuoru muos, Straight horn, Tokur siye. Crooked back. [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, storage unit 675, l.98]

When characterizing a person, figurative and descriptive epithets are also used in the form of a number of definitions: Mylachchy bergese Yoryu yutyuluk Neetle son Kuolaidyyr keenche Syppakalyyr emchiire Borbuiduur syaya Syryy aatym "Sygynyk" Dyosun aatym "Soppuruonap" Nyky aatym "Nykylay" [ AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, unit of record.Z, l.8] The first six lines list the appearance, clothing: Hat on the top of the head // Knitted mittens // Worn out coat // Legs on bare legs // Wet tortoises // Nataznik up to the knee fold//, the last three lines give a description of the hero from his “I”: famous name (i.e. he was a famous olonkhosut) “Sygynyk” // Worthy name “Sofronov” // Folk name “Nikolai”. Homogeneous phrases (adjective + noun) serve as rhythm-forming elements in these chabyrgs.

In chabyrgakhs, epithets of a figurative nature are also used, “the so-called picture words are a special national type of figurative epithets” [Romanova 2002, p. 41]. Such epithets highlight “signs of appearance, morals, manners and movements” [Romanova 2002, p. 41]. In the article “Yakut language” A.E. Kulakovsky wrote: “The Yakut language represents the height of perfection in terms of descriptiveness of the external forms of an object or person (shapes, figures, types of movement, etc.) ...” [Kulakovsky 1979, p. 385].

For example, the image of a riotous, frivolous, scandalous woman is created with the help of epithets that characterize her manners (see pp. 81-82).

Epithets are often used to depict the appearance of animals. For example, in chabyrgakh, where a horse is described, the following words are used: Seniyete semeldiye, [his] chins swayed, Tanyyta tartallyya, [his] nostrils twitched, Tiise yrdyalliya, [his] teeth glistened, Kaneriite mölöryuye - The bridge of [his] nose slid turda and etc. steel, etc. [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, storage unit 44, l.1-3]. The appearance of a cow in chabyrgakh is lovingly described by the following epithets: Chorogurkaan kuturuktaakh, With a swivel tail, Khotogorkoon sisteekh, With a arched back, Khorogorkoon muostaakh, With pointed horns, Dallagarkaan muostaakh, With splayed ears, Maltagarkaan syusteekh, With a bulging forehead, Chaachygyras yyraakhtaah. With clattering forks on the hooves. [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, unit of records YuO, l.ZZ] Analysis of the epithets used in chabyrgakh shows that in these works there are no such detailed descriptions as are often found in olonkho. Chabyrgakhs use short epithets that have become almost stable formulas. The most common epithets in Chabyrgakh are “dardyr syarga” - “thundering sleigh”, “oonnuur bagana” - “playful pillar”, etc. In the chabyrgas of the Yakuts, the technique of hyperbolization is quite often used. For example: Bylyty bysa surbut With the cloud cutting the running Byrdya erien ogustaakh, With the light-colored bull Hallaany haya surbut With the sky splitting with the running Khara saadyagai ynakhtaakh... A cow with a black ridge... [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, storage unit 417, l.6] Hyperbole is also used in the hunter’s allegorical speech about the size of the prey: Badyilesteegi meiitinen, Along the top of an impassable place, Kylystaagi kyryytynan, Along the edge of a place overgrown with sedge, Yotteegi yurdyunen, Along the top of a place _ overgrown with willow Manchaarylaagy bassinan, Along the upper reaches places where sedge grows [obtained], / Uon at olbuora, Cargo for ten horses, Bies at belbiere And luggage for five horses Suburuta diarda, Straight-tailed spoiled, Tonsuruku kirdieles! The pecking one pecked! [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, storage unit. 417, l.14-15] Or: Ballayan-ballayan Swelling-swelling Balagan saga, The size of a booth, Yulleyen-yulleyen Swelling-swelling Yullyuk saga. The size of a bear. [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, storage unit 100, l.13] In this example, the appearance of a person is clearly shown with the help of a hyperbole. In Yakut chabyrgas comparisons are sometimes used. This technique is more often found in humorous and satirical chabyrgs. For example: Kirgil kinees, Prince - woodpecker, Kukaaky kuluba, Head - jay, Sakhsyrga saryyssa, Queen - fly, Chachchygynyar chachchyyn, Foreman - thrush, Neteeki terepiesinnyik, Solicitor - bat, Khakhan happaraal, Corporal - owl, Suor suruksut, Clerk - raven, Turaakh narodnay, People's [assessor] - crow, Elie eteechchi, Informer - kite, Chyychaakh tylbaaschyt, Interpreter - bird, Soluon judge, Judge - elephant, Andy agabyit, Pop - scoter, Cherkyoy lechёk, Sexton - teal, Anyr akkyyrai. .. Bishop - heron... [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, storage unit 100, l. 13] Thus, with the help of comparisons, officials of the royal administration and ministers of the church in Chabyrgakh were aptly characterized. Yulluk is a tanned bear skin used as bedding [EKP, volume III, stlb 3119]. One of the features of chabyrgakh poetics is the use of onomatopoeic words. For example, the word “las” - “clap”: ...las-las... clap-clap Kharana oyuurdaah... With a dark forest... [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, unit of record .658, l.1] This word is sometimes used as the ending of chabyrgakh: Olloon buku, las Leg on leg, clap Las-las-las! Clap-clap-clap! [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, storage unit 562, l. 13] In chabyrgakh there are onomatopoeic words close in meaning to the word “las”: “lyky-lyky lynkyr” - “don-don ringing”, “laky-laky lankyr” - “booh-booh thundering”, “lah-lah lachyrgyyr” - “squelch-squelch squelching” [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.4, item 116, l.6].

Yakut literature and Chabyrgakh

Chabyrgakh as a literary genre was first used in the works of the founders of Yakut literature A.E. Kulakovsky and A.I. Sofronov. Later, P.A. turned to chabyrgakh as a genre of satire. Oyunsky, V.M. Novikov-Kyunnyuk Uurastyrov, P.N. Toburokov, etc.

This chabyrgakh in the monograph “History of Yakut Literature” is assessed as “an artistically completely independent tongue twister of its own” [Toburokov 1993, p. 100]

In the article “Yakut language” A.E. Kulakovsky wrote that in the Yakut language there are words that do not have “a common citizenship and are immediately invented by the speaker only and solely for a given case... Each such word draws several signs of an object at once, expressing at the same time the movement of the object of conversation” [Kulakovsky 1979, p.385]. This hypothesis is also acceptable for traditional chabyrgakh. The technique of such word creation was very successfully used by A.E. Kulakovsky in the above work: Ollur-bollur, Ekir-bukur, Edien-hodyon Yunkyuleehteen Eri-buru Taibaahyydaan, Egey-dogoy

A description of the “external forms of an object or person” (which is typical for chabyrgakh - V.N.) can be found in many works by A.E. Kulakovsky. For example, a description of the image of a stingy rich man ("The Stingy Rich Man", 1907). As I.V. correctly noted. Pukhov, analyzing this work, A.E. Kulakovsky follows the “long tradition of Yakut folk poetry”: The back is closed, The side is covered, The head is withered, The knees are bony, The eyes are watery, The face is flat, The body is hard, Extremely ignorant Well, what a man! [Pukhov 1980, p.55] The translation is literal, but nevertheless conveys the image of a person who is not interested in what is happening around him, ignorant and very stingy. This passage can be considered as an example of a real chabyrgakh. Also in his poem “City Girls” there are many lines full of subtle humor and descriptiveness. They, as in chabyrgakhs, are composed of onomatopoeic words. In addition to onomatopoeia, movement, you can smell the following: Bylaachyalara tyalyrda, Tellehtere teleerde, Bachyynkalara baachyrgaata, Kurusubalara kuugunaata, Dukuulara tunuida, Pamaadalara ankylyida... [Kulakovsky 1957, p. .172] Translation: The dresses rustled, // Their hems began to spin, // Their shoes creaked, // The lace rustled, // Their perfume smelled, // Their lipstick smelled... Here are expressions that give the smell of perfume "tunuida" and the smell of lipstick "ankylyida" "The words are synonyms; it is very difficult to accurately translate them into Russian. When translated, they lose their specificity. In the Yakut language, they are colored in a certain shade and convey the smell very subtly. “Tunuida” gives a pleasant, enveloping scent of perfume, and “ankylyida” gives a sharper, pungent smell. Moreover, if translated more precisely, the word “tunuyda” will mean the gradual spread of the smell, and “ankylyyda”, on the contrary, is a pungent smell that can be immediately felt when approaching. Thus, one can once again be convinced of the expressive capabilities of the Yakut language. Vowel harmony is observed in every line. The words of the first line “bylaachchyyalara” and “tyalyrda” consist of one grammatical form with the words of the next line “tellekhtere” (plural noun) and “teleerde” (present tense verb). They create interline sound rhyme and a fast reading rhythm. Or: Chonosuybut-cholosuybut, Chobuguraabyt-choluguraabyt, Chabylaybyt-chalygyraabyt, Nyulluguraabyt-nuuchchalaabyt, Achykyl ammyt-chasyylammyt... Tyyrangnaabyt-tyrahachyybyt. [Kulakovsky 1957, p. 165]

This example very aptly describes the image of a fashionista of that time, every movement, gait, demeanor, appearance, where “in one word a whole picture series of ideas is expressed” [Kulakovsky 1979, p. 385]. This text is also impossible to translate literally; if translated, the character’s portrait will take not six, but more lines.

For example, the expression “chonosuibut-cholosuibut” means that he walks straight, playing with his shoulders, quickly, and at the same time throwing his head back.

Each line of the passage consists of two paired figurative verbs of the positive form. They divide the line into two parts, forming rhymes that create a fast pace of reading the verse, i.e. in execution they are identical to chabyrgakh. These two excerpts, quoted from a poem by A.E. Kulakovsky can be considered the first examples of modern literary satirical chabyrgakh.

As mentioned above, A.I. also turned to the chabyrgakh genre or its forms. Sofronov. One can name individual poems by this author “Kyuygenneeh-aidaannaah” [Sofronov 1996, p. 85], “Olokh syuryugyun dorgoono (odon-dodon hosoon)” [Ibid., pp. 89-95], etc., which can undoubtedly be considered chabyrgakhs. But we, without delving into the analysis of the entire poetic heritage of the author, will consider only two of his works, which are called “Chabyrgakh” [Sofronov 1976; 1996;].

As you know, in 1923 A.I. Sofronov wrote his own “Chabyrgakh”, which was published later in his collection of poems. The work consists of 28 lines, each of them, like the traditional chabyrgakh, has four syllables. Here, in the form of a chabyrgakh, he narrates the events that took place during the civil war in Bulun (the northernmost ulus of Yakutia): Oloh-diasakh, Serekh kuttal, Sek-suk, Kistasii, Keresii, Keteh kepsetii. Dylys-malis, Dyylga-tankha. [Sofronov 1976, p. 73] Interlinear translation: Life-existence, // Caution-fear, // Fear, // Secrets-denunciations, // Secret negotiations.// Disappearance, // Fortune-teller.

Each line of chabyrgakh is mainly composed of two nouns (Olokh-diasakh, Sereh kuttal) in the nominative case, which achieves the brevity of the verse. And as noted above, chabyrgakh is written in “easy artistic language”, where “every seemingly incoherent word, in fact, acutely touches some aspects of the life of the people...” [Kyayygyyap 1926, p.ZO]. This case reflects the disturbing events of the civil war in Bulun.

In 1996, a collection of previously unpublished works by A.I. was published. Sofronov's "Swan Song", where his second "Chabyrgakh" was published [Decree. Sat., p.80-81]. In the note of the book it is written: “Moskvaga baryan ere innine Dyokuuskaiga, ebeter ayannaan isen suruybut badakhtaah.” (Apparently written before leaving for Moscow in Yakutsk or on the way) [Ibid., p.312].

A manual for teaching Yakut folklore in Russian-language schools

Introduction

Folklore called oral folk art. From the name itself it is clear that any folklore work is created by the whole people. It is not for nothing that the word “folklore” comes from the English words “folk” - “people” and “lore” - “wisdom”, that is, folk wisdom. The source of folklore was folk life. It has absorbed a variety of folklore genres. The folklore of every nation is peculiar and unique. Its origin, existence, form, content, language, artistic means have their own national identity, their own unique specificity. Over the course of many centuries, people have created truly unique folklore, characterized by deep content and great genre diversity. The mighty force of artistic generalization embodied in it the history of the people, their experience and traditions, national character, ideals, ideological and aesthetic concepts. Folklore plays an important role in the development of a person’s inner world. The genres of Yakut folklore are vast and attractive. The enchanting sounds of khomus, funny tongue twisters, folk songs, osuokhai, and toyuk are of great interest to children of all ages. Mastering the genres of folklore leads to the development of the child as an individual who loves his folk culture and appreciates the customs and traditions of other cultures.

Relevance: We live in interesting and difficult times, when we begin to look at many things differently, rediscover and re-evaluate many things. First of all, this refers to our past, which most people know superficially. To turn to your origins means to restore the connection of times, to return lost values. Folklore will help with this, because its content is the life of the people, human experience, the spiritual world of man, his thoughts, feelings, experiences.

The inexhaustible source of traditional folk culture makes it possible to find various ways to optimize the process of educational and developmental education for schoolchildren, helps solve the problems of moral and aesthetic education, and develop the creative abilities of the younger generation.

Problem: A lot has been written on the methods of teaching Yakut folklore; you can find good literature, manuals, programs, but these works are mainly aimed at Yakut-speaking children in Yakut schools. And for teaching Russian-speaking children, we can say that there are no literatures at all; if there are, they are superficial and do not provide the essence, originality, and brightness of Yakut folklore. And it is formed big question, how to teach Russian-speaking children Yakut folklore, how to convey the enchanting sounds of khomus, funny tongue twisters, folk songs, osuokhai, toyuk, olonkho so that the child absorbs the beauty of Yakut folklore.

While working at Home children's creativity» Kysyl-Syr village, asking the above questions, developed its own methods and techniques for teaching small and song forms of Yakut folklore. Based on knowledge of the teachings and skills of their students, as well as their results in various competitions, in my opinion, these methods most effectively convey the richness of Yakut folklore.

Comparative study of small forms of Yakut folklore.

(Proverbs, sayings, riddles, tongue twisters)

Riddles, proverbs, and sayings contain unique material for enriching speech, since works of oral folk art, by their nature, are most designed for pronunciation. Accuracy, conciseness and accuracy folk word- all this helps to develop figurative, expressive, and rich intonation skills in schoolchildren.

Folk literature helps to understand the essence of fiction, turn to the language and national culture of the native speaker, and bring the listener and reader closer to comprehension spiritual world.

Goal of the work - using the principle of comparison and contrast, to generate interest in Yakut folklore

Job objectives:

1. Identify the features of the themes of small forms of Russian and Yakut folklore;

2. Be able to find and identify proverbs, sayings and riddles in the text;

3. Produce comparative analysis means of artistic expression of proverbs, sayings and riddles;

Proverbs and sayings can serve as meaningful material for literary development. Proverbs and sayings of the Russian and Yakut peoples are typologically similar in ideological and thematic content and poetic structure. Russian proverbs, like Yakut ones, consist of one or two sentences, correlated according to the principle of coordinating and subordinating connections. In the richest proverbial arsenal of the Yakuts there are many proverbs and sayings that completely coincide both in content and form with Russian proverbs and sayings. For example:

At the same time, there are such small forms in Yakut folklore that reflect the national identity and imaginative thinking of the Yakuts. For example:

The proverb (өс nomo5o) is close in its external and some internal features to the proverb (өс xohooо). The saying also occupies a prominent place in Yakut folk art. It prepares the minds of listeners for future bold comparisons and teaches them to search for the hidden meaning of words. By comparing Yakut and Russian proverbs and sayings, we learn to note the varying degrees of similarity of these individual genres: in some cases we can talk about ideological and thematic similarity, in others - about the synonymy of proverbs that differ in plot from each other. For example:

Riddles occupy a special place in oral folk art. As a unique genre of folklore, riddles have great cognitive and educational significance. Images of riddles help to understand the surrounding reality, natural and social phenomena, develop imagination and observation, resourcefulness and ingenuity.

The variety of riddle forms and their syntactic structure. In some cases, the riddle is based on a description of the appearance of an object, on a comparison of two objects. And this is found in Russian and Yakut folklore. For example:

Very often used in Russian and Yakut riddles metaphorical comparison:

It is important to pay attention to riddles based on the principle of negative comparison, as well as personification:

The essence and peculiarity of sayings was more difficult for teachers to assimilate than proverbs. In order to include sayings in the general system of works of oral folk art, to form a more complete idea of ​​the uniqueness of this genre, I used the technique of comparison. For example:

Such a scheme, in my opinion, helps the pupil to more accurately and clearly see the similarities and differences between the works of two small genres of oral folk art. In the course of explaining the differences between proverbs and sayings, students had a clear idea of ​​the features of these genres. As can be seen from the examples, students receive a visual understanding of the national identity of the proverbs and sayings of each nation.

The comparative and contrastive method of teaching small forms of Russian and Yakut folklore contributes to a more durable and conscious assimilation of the national identity of each literature. It contributes to their mastery of spiritual values, the development of artistic and aesthetic taste and creative potential schoolchildren, their formation moral positions. In this regard, the role of folklore is significant, familiarity with which develops the cognitive activity of schoolchildren, improves the culture of thinking, contributes to their deep understanding of the origins of their native culture and understanding of respect for other cultures.

on teaching the Yakut song culture of the Sakha people

The living traditions of folk musical culture, the international language of music, understandable to people of any nationality, contribute to the rapprochement and mutual understanding of people. In addition, the enchanting sounds of folk instruments, taking their roots from time immemorial and synchronized with the sounds of nature at the very beginning of their inception, are capable of influencing the psycho-emotional state of a person. As our ancestors said, double his joy, disperse, dispel sadness, heal from illnesses. And the ability to play any musical instrument contributes to the development of a person’s intellectual potential and harmonizes the psycho-somatic state of the body. It is especially important to introduce children to folk music at early school age. Since ethno-music develops in children an artistic perception of the world around them, awakens creative imagination, promotes self-identification in society, awareness of oneself as part of the cultural and historical layer of any nationality, a unique individual, strengthens the sense of pride for one’s people and tolerance. Propaganda of traditional music should be carried out on a par with the propaganda of classical music, since ethnic music and folklore are precisely the foundations on which, already at the genetic level, the foundations of a person’s connection with his people, history and culture are based, his entire spiritual component is based.

Problem: there is a lack of methodological literature in teaching Russian-speaking children Yakut folklore.

Goal: to identify effective techniques and methods for teaching children the song culture of the Sakha people.

Identify the features of song culture

Apply different teaching methods

Introducing children to the song culture of the Sakha people

The song folklore of the Sakha people is rich not only in genre, but also in theme and unique manner of performance.

To familiarize children with folklore genre Toyuk and folk songs, I propose to start with the question What are “toyuk” and “folk songs”? This will give children the opportunity to engage in partial search work. Thus, we will generate children’s interest in studying further, learning more about “toyuk” and “folk songs”

Training methods:

visual method (the teacher himself must show how to perform it)

Visually auditory (recordings of folk performers such as A. Badaeva, U. Noskhorov, S. Zverev, etc.)

Analysis of the melody (using a musical instrument (piano, button accordion) to analyze the entire melody note by note).

Parsing the text (I suggest starting with simple phrases since the Yakut language itself is very difficult for Russian-speaking children to pronounce and some words cannot be translated)

Melody + text (on a musical instrument, syllable by syllable, combine all the material by notes)

To consolidate, staged work is required, and all children must be in the roles. This could be excerpts from children's Olonkho or plot and production works invented by you.

Osuokhai in ancient times was danced only on Ysyakh, it was of a ritual nature, the worship of the sun and deities. Osuokhai. Types of Osuokhai singing differ in tempo, melody, rhythm and theme.

Introduction (Osuo-osuo-osuokai, this seems to call, calls people to dance. Serves as a signal to start the dance)

Basics

Climax (Kotutuu)

Conclusion

Varieties of osuokhaya:

Buluuluu osuokai is an extended unison melody.

Ammalyy osuokhai is rhythmic, sung in 2 lines, the movements are significantly different from other osuokhai

Nayakhalyy osuokhay's peculiarity lies in the rhythm, because this type was previously sung only by residents of the northern uluses (northern Yakuts). And you can feel the fusion of two cultures - the Sakha people and the northern peoples.

Ysyakh osuokhaya

Ilin energy osuokhai is more rhythmic and dynamic than the dances of the Vilyui ulus group.

To teach Russian-speaking children how to osokhai, I propose to teach it in stages, comparing it with Russian round dance, using a visual teaching method. This will enable the correct formation of skills in performing osuokhaya.

Stage 1 - analysis of movements

Stage 2 - analysis of the melody

Stage 3 - text analysis

Analysis of movements for example:

Analysis of melodies for example:

A comparative, visual, step-by-step teaching method, in my opinion, gives the most effective result in the formation of correct knowledge and skills in teaching the song folklore of the Sakha people.

The bearers of Yakut folklore - performers-storytellers - refer to traditions, legends and myths by the general name hepseen (kepseh, seen) - story (tradition). If a fairy tale was perceived as fiction, then traditions, legends and myths were perceived as reality. The Yakut proverb says “kepseen ebileeh, olonkho omunnaakh, yrya dor5oonnooh” - “a story (tradition) - with an addition, olonkho - with an exaggeration, a song - with consonance.” This is how folk wisdom aptly characterizes the difference between folklore genres.

More from late XVII V. travelers and researchers turn to the legends and myths of the Yakuts as reliable evidence of their ethnic history, way of life and way of life. Western European merchant Isbrandt Ides, who traveled on behalf of the Russian government in 1692 - 1695. to China through Southern Siberia and Dauria, for the first time expressed a hypothesis about the southern origin of the Yakuts, described their life and the spring kumys holiday. Philip Stralenberg, a Swedish officer who spent thirteen years in Siberian exile and established the relationship of the Yakut language with the language of the Turkic peoples, was familiar with the legends about Er Sogotokh Elley and Tygyn. The first detailed materials about historical legends were left by the participants of the Second Kamchatka (Great Northern) Expedition G. Miller, I. Fisher and Ya.I. Lindenau. G. Miller calls the Yakut traditions a “historical story”: “This story is, truly, not without reason.” Essay by Ya.I. Lindenau, where the legends about the ancestors and ancestors of the Yakuts are retold in more detail, was published 240 years later in the Magadan book publishing house.

Historical legends and myths of the Yakuts attracted special attention of Russian researchers after the journey of Academician A.F. Middendorf to the northeast of Siberia and the publication of the book by O.N. Bötlingka "On the language of the Yakuts." Political exiles made a great contribution to the collection, systematization and research of Yakut myths and legends: I.A. Khudyakov, V.L. Seroshevsky, V.F. Troshchansky, V.M. Ionov, E.K. Pekarsky.

The first Yakut scientists - A.E. - began their scientific activities by collecting and studying traditions, legends and myths. Kulakovsky, S.A. Novgorodov and G.V. Xenophon. A.E. Kulakovsky published a large number of myths and legends in his famous work “Materials for the Study of the Beliefs of the Yakuts” and collected legends about the ancestors. S.A. Novgorodov included I myths and legends in the first textbook he compiled in the Yakut language G.V. Xenophon in the 20s. made expedition trips to the central, Vilyui and northwestern uluses of Yakutia.

The enormous materials he collected formed the basis of his books “Legends and stories about shamans among the Yakuts, Buryats and Tungus” (1928), “Uraanghai-sakhalar” (1937) and “Elleiad. Materials on the mythology and legendary history of the Yakuts” (1977). Large collector historical folklore was S.I. Bolo, compiler of the collection “The Past of the Yakuts before the Russians Came to Lena” (1938).

For many years, A.A. Savvin, A.S. were fruitfully engaged in collecting traditions and legends. Poryadin, V.N. Dmitriev, P.T. Stepanov, G.M. Vasiliev, I.G. Berezkin, N.T. Stepanov, G.E. Fedorov.

G.U. Ergis in the 60s published a two-volume publication “Historical Legends and Stories of the Yakuts”. A large article he wrote about Yakut legends and oral histories is the first dedicated study on this topic.

A.P. Okladnikov, I.S. Gurvich, Z.V. Gogolev, G.P. Basharin, F.G. Safronov, G.U. Ergis, P.P. Barashkov, I.V. Konstantinov widely used historical traditions and legends in his research. This undoubtedly contributed to a deeper understanding of the meaning and content of individual folklore works.

The main milestones in the formation and development of the Yakut ethnos are reflected in three cycles of historical legends: about the first ancestors Omogoy Baay (Omogon, Onokhoy) and Elley Bootur, who arrived from their southern ancestral home to the middle Lena; about Tygyn Toyon and other founders of the era of development and the beginning of the decomposition of patriarchal-tribal relations in the 17th - 18th centuries; about Vasily Manchaary (19th century), a spontaneous rebel who openly opposed the injustice and tyranny of the ancestors and the rich.

One of the first and complete recordings of the legends about Omogoy Baay and Elley Bootur was made in the early 40s of the 18th century. participant of the Second Kamchatka (Great Northern) expedition Ya.I. Lindenau. According to his record, Omogoi and Elley lived in the upper reaches of the river. Lena, where the territory of the Irkutsk region is now. He even saw the Köbyölür valley in the upper reaches of the river. Lena, where the first ancestors of the Yakuts lived, and a place called “Yakut carrier”. “Köbyüölür” is a Yakut word meaning “to raise one’s voice.” ME AND. Lindenau also recorded Buryat legends about how the Yakuts lived in these places, and how Toyon Badzhey, a descendant of Omogoy and Elley, arrived with his people from the upper reaches of the Lena to the middle Lena.

Subsequently, in legends recorded from the 40s. XIX century, the motive about the life of the first ancestors of the Yakuts in the upper reaches of the Lena disappears and is replaced by the motive about their resettlement to the middle Lena. Thus, in just 100 years there has been a transformation of legends about the place of residence of the first ancestors. The reason, apparently, is that in the process of developing ethnic self-awareness in new conditions, the ancient version was rethought accordingly.

In legends recorded since the 40s. XIX century Until now, there is often a story that Omogoy Baai came to the valley of the middle Lena on the advice of a clairvoyant shaman and at the request of the master spirits of this country. Omogoy's arrival is joyfully greeted by the patron deities of people and livestock Ieyehsit and Ayyysyt, who help him find a mare and a pregnant cow. Perhaps behind this mythological motif there is a folk memory of the domestication of domestic animals. Researcher of northern horse breeding prof. M.F. Gabyshev admits that the Yakuts in ancient times domesticated wild horses that lived in the northeast of Yakutia. And the very fact of the existence of wild horses in the ancient northeast is confirmed by the latest finds of Yakut paleontologists.

Legends depict Omogoy and Elley as newcomers to the middle Lena; they exclude the origin of the first ancestors of the Yakuts from the aborigines of this region. I.V. Konstantinov rightly noted that the motive for the arrival of these characters of legends from distant countries cannot be considered accidental; most likely, this indicates the still living ideas of the Yakuts about themselves as a newly arrived people. It can be assumed that researchers do not disagree on the issue of the southern origin of the Yakuts, substantiating this with extensive archaeological, folklore, linguistic and historical-ethnographic material. Their differences lie in determining the ways of forming this people.

Folklore images of Omogoy and Elley are close to the mythological images of persecuted heroes, who later become the ancestors of tribes. Elley, according to legend, arrived on the middle Lena from the Baikal region, the Urankhai land, from Mongolia, from the Tatars; or it is not indicated at all where he was from. It is said that he comes from the fraternal or Batulin tribe. In our opinion, such a variety of ideas of the people about their ancestors was indirectly reflected in the complex tribal composition of the population of the Baikal region, part of which became part of the ancestors of the Yakut people.

Legends say that the reason for the resettlement of Omogoy and Elley to the middle Lena was inter-tribal clashes, which is also not without historical justification. A.P. Okladnikov wrote that in the X - XI centuries. Mongol-speaking tribes invaded the Angara-Lena region and pushed the Kurykan north to the middle Lena.

After arriving at Omogoy, Elley becomes his employee. In fact, he became a slave, worked for free, without any property or tools. Such was the life of other Omogoi slaves. Their property and living situation truly reflected the main features of tribal relations with elements of patriarchal slavery, which were still clearly visible in the life of the Yakuts in the 17th century.

The patriarchal-tribal way of life of the Yakuts at the time of their arrival in the middle Lena explains the social position of Omogoi Baai himself. He is, first of all, the patriarch and head of a large family family. The epithet “baai” (rich man) does not so much characterize his wealth as serve as an artistic and visual means of idealizing him, emphasizing the power and authority of the head of the clan. Slaves, living with their owners and working for them, constitute one common clan family.

The legends reflected the peculiarities of family and marriage relations of that era. In the marriage of the newcomer Elley, a native of another tribe, to the daughter of Omogoy, one cannot help but notice traces of exogamy, one of characteristic features clan organization.

When Omogoi Baai, angry that Ellay had married his unloved daughter, drove them both out of his house, giving them one mare and one mangy red cow as a dowry, a small family was formed. A picture emerges in the relationship between the Omogoya and Elley families initial stage development small family and the conflict between two types of family in the clan community.
The growing struggle for the independence of a small family was waged in the sphere of property relations. This can also be seen in the legends of this cycle. So, Elley kept the horses and cows of Omogoy, who did not leave the smokehouse he had bred, and disposed of them as his wealth. He used the products obtained from them to prepare the kumys festival of Ysyakh. Apparently, according to the established traditions of communal ownership, Omogoi could not bring back his cattle and take away food from Elley.

Elley's small family is gradually strengthening economically, and Elley's authority among his relatives is growing. “Alley, they say, gives everyone a house, gives a woman, gives cattle and utensils,” and with old Onokhoi you are a worker all your life,” these were the conversations the slaves had. However, based on the content of the cycle of legends, we can conclude that the family connection remained strong. Sharing hunting spoils, the two families lived amicably. In the book by V. Seroshevsky, Elley, returning from hunting, gave everything he had obtained to Onokhoy, who thanked him for it [Ibid].

Ellay is a progenitor with the functions of a mythological culture hero. Omogoy and his relatives “were simple-minded people,” they lived in an earthen yurt without a stove or chimney, and did not know fishing tools, blacksmithing, blessings, or songs. Alley was a blacksmith and carpenter. He installed a stove with a chimney, knocked out a window in the house and made a door, made tools for fishing and hunting animals, built pens and buildings for livestock and lit a smoke smoker against midges, made the divine drink kumiss

Alley is not only an inventor and creator material culture Yakuts, but also the first organizer of the spring kumys festival Ysyakh, the first minister of the Yakut religion who turned with prayer to the highest deities. Modern Yakuts believe that the annual Ysyakh is celebrated according to the traditions established by the great-ancestor Elley

The conservative patriarch Omogoye Baai does not understand Ellay's innovations. He arrives at the Ysyakh, organized by Elley, according to some legends, only after the third invitation and, frightened by the miraculous phenomena caused by the power of Elley’s blessing, runs away home. In other versions, he and his wife fall dead or ascend to heaven. Although the legends do not directly say that the deities that Elley worshiped were alien to Omogoy Baai, he dies from their punishment for disrespect for the ysyakh, arranged in honor of the aiyy deities.

Elley is the favorite and chosen one of the aiyy deities. He is even a direct descendant, the son of the supreme deity Yuryung Aiy Toyon, or Elley is intended by the deities to be the organizer of life, the establisher of order in the Middle Land.

In many legends, Elley's eldest son Namylga (Labynkha) Silik (Syuyuryuk) is named the first shaman - servant of the aiyy deities. He pronounces a blessing on the first Ysyakh and immediately ascends to heaven. Sometimes he is attributed the function of a culture hero and aiyy shaman.

The plot development of the legends about the first ancestors echoes the plots of the heroic epic Olonkho about the settlement of the Middle World by the outcast descendants of the supreme deities aiyy. In olonkho of this type, from the Upper World to the Middle World, the deities descend their outcast descendants who have been guilty of something, and in legends, exiles who have become separated from their tribe settle in the middle Lena. The heroes of the olonkho, rejected by the deity, are raised and protected by the spirit masters of the epic country. The first ancestors of the Yakuts moved at the request of their host spirits to the Tuymaada valley, where the city of Yakutsk now stands.

Olonkho plots are based on the conflict of heroes belonging to the same Ayyy Aimaga tribe (the epic self-name of the Yakuts). In olonkho, the positive hero is the rejected descendant of the deities aiyy - the “newcomer” - son-in-law, and in legends - Elley Bootur, an alien adopted into the Omogoya family. In the tales about the rejected descendants of the aiyy deities, the motif of heroic matchmaking is almost absent; the theme of miraculous matchmaking predominates.

The main character of the olonkho about the rejected descendants of the aiyy deities is a hero named Son of the Horse Dyyrai Begyo (Bergen). The plot theme about the hero - the Son of the Horse was based on ancient myth that “first God created the horse, from him came the half-horse, half-man, and from the latter a man was born.” This myth is preserved in a more complete form in the plot of the Dolgan olonkho “Son of the horse Atalami Bukhatyyr”. And the name of the legendary Elley with his constant epithets “Ereideeh-Buruydaah Er Sogotokh” (Long-suffering Lonely Husband) corresponds to the name of the hero of many olonkho Ereydeeh-Buruydaah Er Sogotokh, the Bogatyr-ancestor of the Uraanghai Sakha tribe. In Olonkho G.F. Nikulin "Er Sogotokh" the main character is endowed with the functions of a cultural hero. He, the first inhabitant of the Middle World, builds himself a house with a stone ax, makes fire, begs cattle from the deities and arranges the Ysyakh holiday. All the actions of the hero correspond to the cultural activities of Elley. EAT. Meletinsky notes that, in comparison with the olonkho about Er Sogotokh, the historical legends about Elley more clearly preserve the features of the myth of a cultural hero, and explains this by the specificity of the idealization of heroes in the heroic epic and legends.

Thus, the most ancient period in the history of the Yakut ethnos is reflected both in the heroic epic Olonkho and in historical legends, transforming in accordance with their genre nature. In contrast to these legends about the first ancestors, in the cycle of legends about Tygyn (Dygyn) Toyon and other ancestors, echoes of a different, higher stage of social development of the Yakut people are heard.

Tygyn is a real person, the name Tygyn is found in historical documents of the 17th century. People have written many stories and legends about him, in which he most often appears in the form of a powerful and formidable tribal leader, a power-hungry and a despot. Many moments of his life, full of military valor and tragedy, are transformed in the spirit of folklore hyperbolization.

According to legend, Tygyn (Dygyn) is the grandson of Elley, i.e. he comes from a noble family, which occupied a dominant position among other Yakut families. Tygyn is born with three golden hairs on the crown of his head. This, according to Elley’s prediction, is a sign that instead of the suddenly dead tyyn (breath, i.e. soul) of Elley’s son (Tygyn’s father), a new tyyn appeared, and he was named Tygyn (text 3, block 20). According to another legend, Tygyn, at the age of six, raising his spear with the tip upward, turned to the formidable celestial Uluu Toyon, who created him, with a request to send down to him a bloody symbol of the spirit of war and bloodshed. In response to this, a blood clot appeared at the very tip of the spear. Thus, he was appointed from above to become a military leader.

The time of Tygyn (Dygyn) remained in people's memory as Kyrgys uyete - the age of battles, the age of wars. And indeed, in legends, he, the head of the most powerful Yakut clan of the Kangalas, leads the fight against the Khorin, Nakhar, Nam and other clans. The reasons for Tygyn's attacks on other people's families were: the abduction of Tygyn's daughter by foreigners, Tygyn's campaign for the woman he loved, Tygyn's campaign against famous strongmen, revenge for separation (escape) from his family and for the desire for independence of a small family (text 6). These conflict situations echo the conflicts on which the plot of the heroic Olonkho epic about the ancestors of the tribe is based: the kidnapping of the sisters of the heroes of the aiyy aimag, the heroic campaign for the bride. A large place in the legends about Tygyn (Dygyn) Toyon is occupied by the motif of fights and competitions for the sake of glorifying his tribe. Tygyn, the powerful leader of the Kangalas, does not tolerate rivalry; he and his people must always be the first in fights and sports games. Tygyn often invites strangers and organizes ysyakh, where competitions in strength, agility, running and jumping are organized.

Tygyn in legends is shown as a vengeful and treacherous leader, a power-hungry and cruel person. Even in his own family, he does not tolerate people superior to him in strength or other qualities. Thus, Tygyn kills his son, who was born with a horny covering, seeing in him a hero stronger than himself. He killed a child born with gold earrings - a sign of power over people (option 6).
The powerful leader of the Kangalas clan Tygyn (Dygyn) in legends is often called toyon (lord, ruler), ruler, Yakut king. The mother of the mighty hero Bert Khara, seeing that her son is preparing to enter into battle with Tygyn, persuades him to avoid a duel with a man destined to be a ruler by the deity himself.

The image of Tygyn in legends is, on the one hand, the image of a strong leader who tried to unite under his rule the disparate, warring Yakut tribes in the first half of the 17th century, on the other hand, he is a despot for his clan and an invader for neighboring clans, not abhorring the most cruel and insidious means to achieve his goal.

The legends note that, in carrying out his intentions, Tygyn took for himself the wealth, livestock and slaves of the clans, tribes and even individual households he defeated. Tygyn's predatory attacks on neighbors led to the subjugation of individual clans and tribes to him.

Legends record the formation of a hereditary nobility in the person of Tygyn's sons, who continued the conquering traditions of their father. These stories correspond to the content of historical documents. S.A. Tokarev quoted a message from Ataman Galkin (1634), which talks about the sons of Tygyn, who “own all the land, and many other princes are afraid of them.”

To fully understand the military campaigns of Tygyn and other toyons of the Yakut region of that time, which lasted until Yakutia became part of Russia, it is necessary to take into account the peculiarities of the patriarchal-tribal way of life of the tribes of that distant era.

Historical sources and legends equally emphasize that in the 17th century, when the Russians arrived in the middle Lena, the aboriginal tribes were at the stage of a developed patriarchal-tribal system, but they were still dominated by the tribal way of life, in which family-related groups and dependent Their slaves (“slaves”, “fosters”) made up a large patriarchal family. At the head was the toyon.

The legends reflect what continued in the 17th century. the process of formation of small families, their separation from large patriarchal families. One legend says that Batas Mendyuken and his wife run away from Tygyn, fearing reprisals. This plot corresponds to the historical reality of that time. S.A. Tokarev wrote that cases of slave escapes are far from isolated; only according to the documents known to him, it was possible to count 45 such cases.

The depiction in legends of the lives of the families of the poor Bert Khara, Chorbogor Baatir (texts 5, 6), “feeding themselves by hunting wild animals and ducks,” is generally associated with the emergence of a new layer in social structure tribes that inhabited the middle Lena in those days. This is a part of the population ruined as a result of the predatory Toyon raids, which also formed into a separate family independent of the patriarchal one.

It should be noted that in the depiction of the relationship of a small family to a large patriarchal family in legends and historical documents, there are discrepancies due to the specifics of folklore idealization. There is a well-reasoned scientific hypothesis according to which in the 17th century, before the Russians arrived in this region, small families among aboriginal tribes were independent economic units. Weak economic ties remained between these two types of families. At the same time, related families rallied and united during military clashes, forming a large patriarchal family. It is this circumstance that is reflected in the legends about Tygyn, who is shown as a military leader who stood at the head of his tribe. Apparently, for the same reason, the slaves of Tygyn are most often depicted as brave and strong warriors, and not servant slaves; introductions about their property and payment of their labor by toyons are not clearly recorded in the legends. There are only a few plot motifs, for example, about how Batas Möndyukäen gets a job as Tygyn’s assistant for one salary. This folklore fact to some extent reflects the emergence of classes and early forms of exploitation in Yakut society.

The legends about the first ancestors say that Elley showed his sons places to settle with good hunting grounds and conditions convenient for raising livestock, which indicates the emergence of hereditary private land ownership. Judging by the legends, during Tygyn’s time the seizure of land only accompanied his warlike policy. As a military leader of tribes, he first of all sought to subjugate new tribes and clans to his influence. The weak reflection of the struggle for land in these legends can be explained by the absence in those days of private land ownership and the right to inherit it.

In the legends of this cycle one cannot help but notice echoes of the silent struggle that went on between slaves and toyons. There are stories about the irreconcilable enmity of the poor man Bert Khara with Tygyn. According to some legends, Tygyn, fearing the sons of the old woman Kutyur Emeekhsin, moved to a new place, near lake. Muryu. Here the sympathies of the narrators are on the side of the offended and humiliated.

The legends about Tygyn reflect events related to the entry of Yakutia into the Russian state. They tell how Tygyn fought the Russian Cossacks (although it was short-lived).

Historical documents published by S.A. Tokarev, in our opinion, provide an opportunity to understand the true meaning and nature of the events associated with the relationship between Tygyn and a detachment of Russian Cossacks. For example, Ataman Ivan Galkin in his petition describes his clash with the Yakut toyon in 1631: “Yes, sir, the same Yakol people, Prince Tynina and Prince Boydon, live on the Lena River and fought with us, your slaves, all day long and They didn’t give us your sovereign’s yasak, and they didn’t want to let us, sir, your servants out of their land. And we, sir, were few. And how, sir, will many serving people come from the Yenisei prison and pacify those unpeaceful princes wet_". This document testifies to clashes between the Yakut toyons and the royal slaves who came to impose tribute on the local population. The Yakut toyons, in particular Tygyn, in this struggle pursued only their own selfish goals, wanting to become the absolute masters of the region. But the tsar’s slaves, as can be seen from the petition, advocated for the establishment of payment procedures for the tsar’s government on this remote outskirts. Thus, individual skirmishes that took place during the period of Yakutia’s entry into Russia were essentially a struggle between representatives of the ruling classes for the establishment of their own orders in the distant Lena region.

Mainly patriarchal clans led by toyons, who were also organizers of anti-yasak uprisings that took place until the second half of the 17th century, entered the fight against the incoming royal troops.

In the legends, only Tygyn and his military squad appear among those who resisted the incoming Cossacks. At the same time, the names of other brave warriors are almost not mentioned and their exploits are not told.

The cycle of legends about Tygyn, as can be seen from the above, reflects the milestones of one of the early stages of the history of the peoples of Yakutia. The identification of the hearth nobility and family as the main economic unit, patriarchal slavery, the beginning of the formation of hereditary property, the subordination of new clans and tribes by military leaders, embryonic forms of class struggle - all this, reflected in the legends about Tygyn, testifies to the presence in the life of the Yakuts era of the annexation of the Lena region to Russia, the main features of a developed patriarchal-tribal society moving towards early class relations.

The people spoke with hatred about the wild tyranny of individual rich people, such as Dodor, Chokhoron and others.
In the stories about the desire to become related to the celestials, in particular in the stories about the matchmaking of Kudangsa and Dyalagai Kiileen with demonic maidens from the Upper World, the willfulness of the tribal rulers is revealed in a mythological vein.

The rich, distinguished by greed and cruelty, are contrasted with ordinary people, hardworking, brave, defending their independence.

The repertoire of Yakut myths consisted of the following main groups: 1) about the supreme deities and savior deities; 2) about evil and good spirits living in the Upper World, on earth and in the Lower World; 3) about the nature surrounding humans; 4) about the first ancestors, the ancestors of the Yakuts; 5) myths and legends about shamans.

Among the supreme deities, which are known under the general name ayyy (plural ayyylar), the image of Yuryung Ayyy Toyon stands out - “the creator of the universe and man, the head of heaven and the rest of the gods.” His other name is Yuryung Aar Toyon. In olonkho, the supreme deity sometimes acts as the father (grandfather) of the hero-ancestor of the people of the Middle World (Yakuts). So, in Olonkho M.N. Ionova-Androsova, recorded in the 90s. XIX century, Yuryung Ayyy Toyon is the progenitor of all ayyy - deities whom he settled in the Upper World, and ichchi - Aukhov-hosts settled by him in the Middle World. The deity also lowers the youngest of his sons and daughters into the Middle World for permanent residence. These younger children of Yuryung Aiyy Toyon become the first ancestors of people (aiyy aimag), of which Uraanghai Sakha is a part, i.e. Yakuts. And aiyy (deities) and ichchi (master spirits) are endowed by the supreme deity with the functions of patrons of uraangai sakha. The celestial deity Kyuryuyo Dzhosegoy Aiyy gives people horses, Aiyysyt and Ieyehsit are the patronesses of women giving birth, and Ieyiehsit is the patroness of chosen people.

In many olonkhos, fairy tales and legends, celestial deities do not have such a close family connection. Each deity performs its own specific function, and Yuryung Aiyy Toyon does not interfere with its actions. Thus, it is impossible to change human destiny, determined at the birth of a person by the deities Dyylga Khaan and Chyngys Khaan.

In olonkho stories, the donor of horses, Kyuryuyo Dzhesegoy Aiyy, at the request of the heroes, lowers the horses destined for them to the ground. The kumys holiday Ysyakh is dedicated to Yuryung Ayyy Toyon and Dzhesegoyyyyyy. According to myths, in ancient times Dzhosegoy was a participant in Ysyakh in the form of a white stallion.

The patron goddess of women in labor, Aiyysyt, is one of the revered deities. She implants the soul of the child into the woman and is present at childbirth. In her honor, after a successful birth, the ceremony “Seeing Ayyysyt” is organized with a complex ritual and prayers.

Myths about the supreme deities are not included in this volume, since there are no complete works about them. Myths about the supreme deities of aiyy are present as a necessary and obligatory part in the texts of the heroic epic olonkho, fairy tales, legends, songs and ritual poetry. The Yakut mythology about the supreme deities, in all likelihood, existed in the form in which we know pre-Homeric Greek mythology, i.e. it was disordered, unclear and “uncanonized” in many respects, which concerned, for example, the functions and activities of the supreme deities.

More common are myths about deities close to totem animals and birds, known under the general name tangara (tanara - god). The birds and animals of Tangara are revered by the Yakuts not as the creators of people or the ancestors from whom they originated, but as the saviors of dying ancestors and ancestors.

It must be emphasized that these works had an original structure, different from other genres of folklore. Thus, the Yakut myth consisted of three parts: first, the origin of the myth was explained, then the rituals and actions determined by this myth were described, and at the end it was noted what punishment awaited a person who violated the rules dictated by the myth. In some cases, the myth consisted of only the first part or the first two, or the third part was moved to the very beginning. In this case, the text began with a description of the misfortune that happened to a person who did not believe in this or that myth. The rearrangement of parts of the myth was carried out depending on the situation and environment in which the myth was told. Having a purely practical purpose, the myth among the Yakuts, as a rule, was presented only when it was necessary to explain to one or several interlocutors a phenomenon that was incomprehensible to them, to prove the need for some kind of ritual. It is appropriate here to recall that Yakut myths, like the myths of their peoples, “were not only figurative expressions of religious thought, but also ready-made formulas for poetic creativity, giving rise to new images and generalizations.”

Myths about birds and animals - the rescuers of our ancestors - are generated by the difficult living conditions of the Yakuts, their struggle for survival and self-affirmation.

An analysis of Yakut myths showed that in a number of texts birds were attributed magical abilities. Thus, an eagle allegedly could give a person a stone of happiness, with the help of a woodpecker it is supposedly possible to get heroic grass (Archives of the YSC SB RAS, f. 5, op. 3, d. 648, l. 17), etc.

In Yakut myths about birds, the humanization of birds, ancient in origin, continued to exist. They stated that birds, like people, were divided into separate clans and tribes and had their own head. Along with works in which birds were likened to people, the Yakuts have preserved myths about the transformation of people into birds. This is a sad myth about a guy-herder who stole and ate a foal, for which he was condemned to become a kite and fly, emitting a cry reminiscent of the neighing of a foal." Close to this text is the myth about a seagull, who was previously a girl-bride. She was betrothed to a resident of Upper world. When the wedding train arrived to the groom's parents, it turned out that a whole piece of butter, which was part of the bride's gifts, had disappeared along the way. Outraged by this, the formidable inhabitants of the Upper World cursed the girl, turning her into a seagull as white as Yakut butter, and ordered her to search for that oil all your life.Here the moralizing function of the myth is clearly indicated, which not only explained the behavior of birds, but also regulated the life of the group, instilled in listeners the ethical standards of everyday relationships: the inadmissibility of theft, negligence in the performance of wedding rituals, etc.

The presence in Yakut mythology of works in which birds were humanized or talked about the transformation of people into birds may have been due to the fact that the Yakuts hardly distinguished themselves from nature and were constantly dependent on elemental forces, unpredictable and inexplicable vagaries of the harsh climate.

The awareness of unity with the surrounding world was also reflected in myths telling about the ability of a number of birds - the eagle, swan, crane, raven and hawk to curse people, to take revenge on them for the grief caused (Archive of the YSC SB RAS, f. 4, op. 12, d. 69 , l. 26, 50, 72; f. 5, op. 3, d. 652, l. 12 - 12 vol.). Among the Yakuts one can find totemistic myths about birds, ancestors - patrons of one kind or another. The presence of ancient mythological images among a relatively young ethnic group is due to the fact that its mythology was based on the spiritual culture of its ancestors, whose memory preserved works dating back to the earliest stage of human history.

That is why the Yakuts, who formed into a single ethnic group in the middle Lena basin in the 10th - 15th centuries. AD there are totemic myths. Believing Yakuts until the beginning of the 20th century. continued to treat the totem as an older relative, killing one's own totem species of birds was equivalent to killing a person, and wives, according to custom, avoided meeting the totem of their husband's clan.

The totemistic myths recorded among the Yakuts in the first half of the 20th century are somewhat modified. Birds in them are no longer considered direct relatives of people, but are recognized as deities who saved the founder of the clan from death.

Some of the myths about birds were formed under the influence of animistic ideas of the Yakuts associated with the fishing cult, the cult of the patron spirits of the clan and tribe, and shamanism. For example, among the myths of the fishing cult there is a text about the curlew, which is recognized as the younger brother of the master spirit of the forest Baaya Bayanay.

According to the mythological views of the Yakuts, some of the revered birds were created by supernatural creatures of the Upper World or were aliens from there. Thus, in the myth of the kite he is called the younger brother of the deity Dzhosegoy. The eagle was revered as one of the main deities of the aiyy. All eagles and part of the Yakut clans allegedly descended from him. In Yakut myths, the deities aiyy appeared in the form of a swan and an eagle. And in one of the myths, the hawk was recognized as a creature of higher origin than the eagle, although according to Yakut beliefs, only the head of the aiyy deities Urun Aiyy Toyon was higher than the Hump-nosed Eagle aiyy.

The complex of cult ideas about clan and tribal patron spirits also included the recognition by the Yakuts of the raven as the eldest son of the head of the evil spirits of the abaasy of the Upper World, Uluu Toyon, and the belief about the kinship of the raven with Uluu Toyon.

The Yakuts' attribution of the eagle and the raven to deities personifying different principles (aiyy and abaasy) perhaps indicates the multi-ethnicity of the ancestors of the Yakuts. At the same time, the eagle and the raven were obviously totems of both that part of the Yakuts who worshiped the aiyy deities, and another group of Prayakuts who linked their origins with the evil spirits of the Upper World.

Yakut shamanism was reflected in myth-making about birds. For example, it was said about the hawk that it is the embodiment of yuor (uor) Agrafena - a spirit supposedly living on the island of the river. Lena near Zhigansk. One of the myths about the swan says that it began to be considered a patron deity after one shaman closed the exit from the Lower World with his swan’s head and thereby blocked the way to disease. A number of Yakut myths claim that the spirits of shamans appeared in the images of a loon, a raven, a cuckoo, a seagull and a martin.

Among the myths about birds, this volume includes myths about the eagle, raven and hawk, which belong to a relatively late layer of Yakut mythology. A stable element in them is the motif of a bird that saved the ancestor of the family from death. This is the eagle that shot down a goose for the dying ancestor of the Kangalas clan, and the raven that brought flint to the ancestor of the Khorin clan when he, having broken his leg, was dying of cold and hunger. In a number of similar myths, the deification of totems is explained not by blood relationship, but by a benefit shown to the founder of the clan.

A common feature of Yakut myths about the eagle is a list of rituals that must be performed when meeting an eagle. It is noteworthy that in some myths the transformation of the totemistic ritual under the influence of shamanism is visible. The myth about the eagle states that only a shaman can protect a person (clan) from the wrath of the totem. A typical example of the artistic structure of myths of this kind is the text “The Deity of Crows.” At the very beginning, it tells about the help that a raven provided to the ancestor of the Khorin people, followed by a rationale for how the Khorin people cure skin diseases, and a description of the treatment ritual with the words of a spell-conspiracy. Unfortunately, the latter was rarely recorded when recording myths. This composition of the story is typical of Yakut mythology. It was dictated by the practical purpose of the myth, which was to establish the norms of customary law.

Yakut myths about animals, like myths about birds, are of a magical, totemistic and animistic nature. The most archaic of them, apparently, are myths that explain the features of the external appearance of wild animals. Told vividly, with subtle observations of wildlife, these myths aroused constant interest among listeners, and over time were easily transformed into tales about animals. For example, the myth of why the ermine’s skin became white and the tip of its tail black, etc. The Yakuts, like other ancient hunters, maintained faith in the ability of killed animals to take revenge on their offenders. And first of all, those who killed them for fun or in a very cruel way. This belief was supported by a number of myths that prescribe a respectful, careful attitude towards hunting objects and condemn those who killed animals unnecessarily. For example, in the myth about the fate of people from the Mayat clan, it was said that they all died of hunger after, for fun, they skinned a live deer and released it in that form.

In a number of myths, animals were credited with the ability to understand human speech. The basis of such myths is the pan-Siberian cult of the dying and resurrecting beast and the Eurasian-American layer of the bear cult.

As examples of Yakut myths about animals, the volume includes myths about the bear and the wolf. The myth of a woman turning into a bear and worshiping it as a totem may not be originally Yakut. It lived among the Uryunei clan, which was of Evenki origin. We considered it possible to include it in the volume due to the fact that it belongs to a very ancient pan-Siberian layer of mythology.

In the myth of the wolf totem, we again encounter the same stable motif that we traced in the myths about birds - the motif of the deification of the wolf after the ancestors were saved from starvation thanks to supplies allegedly made by the wolf.

In the myths of the trade cult and shamanism, animals are also characters. In myths about the master spirit of the forest, for example, animals are called his cattle. In shamanic myths, shamans themselves appear and fight in the images of wolves and bears. In myths dedicated to the cult of the patron spirits of a clan and tribe, it is mainly domestic animals that act. For example, horses with black spots on the withers, which were considered created by one of the aiyy deities. In myths about domestic animals, common Turkic mythological images were clearly preserved, such as a dog that scares away evil spirits; a horse in which the happiness of its owner lies, etc.

The Yakuts have relatively few myths about fish and reptiles. An analysis of the available records showed that their structure and content coincided with the myths about birds and animals. They also clearly show a connection with the mythology of the Turks of Southern Siberia and Christianity. From this group of Yakut myths, the myth “Fishes and Reptiles” was included. It was obviously borrowed by the Yakuts from Christian mythology.

A number of myths were associated with human ideas about the luminaries (sun, moon, stars), atmospheric phenomena and the so-called Upper World, supposedly located in the heavens. In Yakut myths, as well as in the mythology of the Turkic-Mongolian peoples, there is a common plot about an orphan worker, offended by her owners, who was pitied and taken by the moon; her silhouette is now visible on the lunar face. Several Yakut myths tell that Venus, the Pleiades, and Ursa Minor send severe cold to the earth.

Most myths about the Upper World tell of the activities of supernatural beings who live there. In the sky, according to the mythological views of the Yakuts, lived the benefactor-deities aiyy and the formidable spirits abaasy. Yuryung Aiyy Toyon was recognized as the chief of the aiyy, and the spirits of the Upper World were subordinate to Uluu Toyon. These mythical creatures, like people, were divided into clans and tribes, and led the same way of life as all the inhabitants of the earth. The deities of the Upper World allegedly had a significant influence on the course of earthly life. There are myths that affirm the divinity of the origin of the heads of clans and shamans, their direct connection with the celestials, and myths about the competition of people with the inhabitants of the Upper World in dexterity and lightness of legs, as well as in singing.

A group of myths reflecting the Yakuts’ deification of the heavenly bodies and the worship of the supernatural inhabitants of the Upper World, in this volume begins with the above-mentioned myth about the girl on the moon. This is a typical example of not a religious, but a fantastic explanation of the phenomena of the surrounding world. Further in the volume there is a myth about the settlement of three heavenly maidens in the Middle World. It also contains a number of episodes of a fantastic nature. The heroines of the myth, although they looked like the inhabitants of the earth, walked without leaving traces. They possessed magical spells: leaving the land on which they settled, they not only disappeared, but also took with them three walls of their yurt.

The myth "Wat Ayah Kudungsa" included in the volume is one of the variants of a fairly common myth about the unsuccessful attempts of the rich to enter into a family relationship with the inhabitants of the Upper World. Such myths usually ended with a description of the ruin and death of the entire rich man’s family. You should pay attention to the language of this cycle of myths. It is close to the language of the epic and is full of stable phrases. For example, in the description of the wealth of a rich man: owning herds that barely fit in the meadow; herds - barely able to fit in the valley; possessing white and black fur-bearing animals, having numerous slaves." The storyteller widely used, as in the epic, paired expressions. Thus, in the myth there are phrases: "when there were few livestock people" "what the aiyys and abaasy intend for matchmaking - marriage" food-food "matchmakers-matchmakers", etc. Thanks to the use of poetic formulas and set phrases, the myth has a rhythmic structure, a sublime style of narration, close to epic.

Further in the volume, two works are included that tell about the fight against creatures that arrived from the Upper World. In the first myth, an earthly hero is defeated in a single combat with a strongman from the Upper World, who specially descended to earth to compete with him. Another tells about the ancestor born to earthly woman from her connection with the celestial. He managed to take revenge on the spirits from the Upper World who “ate” his boy. It should be noted that in Yakut myths, it is often people who become winners in the fight against the inhabitants of the Upper World.

The next, very significant group of myths consists of works that explain the origin of individual geographical places and tell about spirits supposedly living on earth.

The toponymic myths of the Yakuts often provided a fantastic explanation for the origin of mountains, rivers and lakes. As a sample of such works, the volume includes the myth of the emergence of Mount Agrafena. Its plot is based on a dispute between three sisters - to change or not to change the direction of the river bed. Lena. The youngest of the sisters tears off a third of the mountain and floats down the Lena on it, and the middle one, about to swim away after her, stopped at the request of the older sister. The part of the mountain torn off by her becomes a mountain on the island.
A number of Yakut myths assert the existence of master spirits of individual territories, rulers of the taiga, mountains, lakes, etc. The Yakuts believed that a person’s prosperous life, the wealth of some and the poverty of others, largely depended on the will of these spirits.

Thus, in the myth about the hunter and the mistress-spirit of Mount Agrafena, the hunter’s bad luck was explained by the fact that he did not bring a sacrifice to her. The mistress of the mountain relented only after she forced the guy to sacrifice a dog to her. It should be noted that the sacrifice of a dog was performed by the aborigines of Yakutia back in the Neolithic. Perhaps this ritual passed to the Yakuts from local tribes that participated in the ethnogenesis of the Yakut peoples. According to the mythological beliefs of the Yakuts, success in fishing was directly dependent on the will of the hunting spirit Baai Bayanai. The study of the traditional beliefs of the Turkic-speaking peoples of Siberia showed that the image of the Yakut Baai Bayanai was formed in the southern ancestral home of the ancestors of the Yakuts. This confirms the myth about the meeting of a young hunter with the daughter of Baai Bayanai. As in the myths of the Turks of Southern Siberia, she comes to the aid of an inexperienced hunter, bestows her love on him and gives him rich prey. It is interesting that this traditional plot recorded the consecration of the right to new hunting grounds that did not previously belong to this Yakut clan.

The Yakuts were greatly feared by the spirits in which suicides, madmen and people subjected to undeserved persecution, as well as shamans, were supposedly reincarnated after death. From this group of myths, two texts are included in the volume. The beginning of the first of them describes the spirit of Chaadai Bollokh, which prevents hunting. He was once a shaman, and his only dog ​​was stolen. After this, he fell into poverty, died of hunger and became the spirit Chaadai Bollokh. The third part of the myth describes how Chaadai Bollokh interferes with hunters and fishermen, and states that only a shaman can protect him from persecution. The latter can supposedly force the spirit to “give” his dog. Then the shaman “infused” it into one of the hunter’s dogs, and at the end of the myth the rules for keeping “Chaadai’s dog” are set out. Analysis of the plot shows how secondary myths appeared. The work was obviously created by shamans on the model of traditional myths about the wandering dead and justifies the introduction of new, shamanic rituals into the trade cult.

The myth of Bakhsy Aiyyta, contained in the volume, is a typical example of stories about people who died an unnatural death and became spirits that send illnesses.
The Yakuts also had myths about the supernatural inhabitants of the Middle World, apparently borrowed as a result of ethnocultural contacts with the Russians. So, after the annexation of Yakutia in the 17th century. By the time of the Russian state, the Yakuts began to have beliefs about the spirit of smallpox, “neighbours” and syulyukuns. The myths said that the spirit of smallpox walks around Yakutia in the form of a Russian woman, and the families she visits become sick with smallpox. The image of the “neighbors” of Russian folklore coincided with the image of invisible creatures that supposedly settled with people. One of these myths is in the volume (text 47). From the Russian old-timers of Siberia, the Yakuts borrowed ideas about the Syulyukuns, very rich creatures that live under water and appear on land only on New Year’s Eve. According to legend, one could get untold riches from the Syulyukuns. They supposedly could predict the fate of a person. The volume includes two examples of this group of Yakut myths.

The most dangerous creatures that bring illness and death to people, according to the beliefs of the Yakuts, were evil spirits that come to earth from the mythical underworld. It was claimed that only shamans could cope with them, and only they knew the myths about the inhabitants of the Lower World. These stories were the professional secret of shamans. True, the shamans expounded the content of these myths in their hymns and spells. In them they described the terrible appearance of the spirits, pointed out the diseases they send, the victims they expect. Although the shamans intimidated ordinary believers in every possible way, the Yakuts still preserved myths about ordinary people visiting the Lower World. One example of such work is included in our volume. It tells how terrible the inhabitants of the Lower World are; their country appears to be a very disorganized place. But the inhabitants of this world lead a lifestyle similar to that of the earth.

According to the myth, a person who comes from the Middle World to the Lower World becomes invisible and inaudible to its ordinary inhabitants. Everyone he touches gets sick. The uninvited stranger was allegedly brought back by the shaman of the Lower World. Similar myths exist in the mythology of the Turkic-speaking peoples of Siberia. Therefore, it can be assumed that it was inherited by the Yakuts from the ancient Turks.

A special group of Yakut myths consisted of myths about the ancestors and founders of individual clans. This group of works was formed by sacralizing some historical traditions and legends. Due to the fact that these myths are included in single cycles of works of oral folk art, consisting of interconnected myths, traditions and legends, we considered it necessary to publish them in the first section (texts 1, 2, 3).
A number of Yakut myths claim that a person’s fate is predetermined by the deities, and he is unable to change it. Thus, Yakut traditional beliefs clouded the consciousness of people and restrained attempts social protest. An example that supports the idea of ​​the inevitability of fate is the myth "Destiny", included in the volume.

Relatively late group Yakut myths consisted of myths and legends about shamans. They substantiated the right of shamans to lead religious life. Myths stated that shamans are the chosen ones of the spirits who “raised” them. Shamans are given the ability to know the “truth” about the events of the past and present, and to foresee the future. A number of stories described the actions of shamanic spirit helpers and the magical objects of shamans: costumes, tambourines, invisible crossbows, etc. Yakut legends about shamans convinced believers that they could, on the one hand, protect people from the machinations of evil spirits, on the other, they themselves could send misfortune, illness and death to those who offended them or simply did not like them. But still, according to Yakut beliefs, shamans were not omnipotent. It was believed that they could not defeat those people who had strong patron spirits. Moreover, the legends emphasized that ordinary people can sometimes win in single combat with shamans.

A significant place in the mythology of the Yakuts was occupied by stories about the struggle of shamans with each other and about the deeds of deceased shamans. They described the miraculous abilities of shamans, thereby asserting that shamans have supernatural qualities and can serve as intermediaries between people and various spirits and deities. The volume includes three legends of this kind. The first of them artistically expressively tells how great shamans were brought up.

The following text tells how the future shamans were sick and how they convinced others that they had the gift of transforming into mythical creatures. The last legend claims that after death, shamans can return to the human world at a certain time and live the same way as they lived before. At the same time, their long-destroyed yurt and the buildings around it allegedly reappeared with them. When the time comes for them to leave, everything disappears at once.

With the development of society, the acquisition of labor experience and knowledge by people, myths fade away and begin to exist in a different form. Individual plots, motifs, and mythological characters are found in other genres of folklore: olonkho, fairy tales, legends and traditions, as well as in aphoristic poetry.

As can be seen from the above, the main milestones of the early history of the Yakut people are interpreted in myths, legends and traditions. In their plots and images we find elements of a person’s early understanding of the world around him, ethical standards of behavior and everyday rules. These genres of Yakut folklore in our time no longer function in their “pure” form. Myths changed their form of existence; they “dissolved” in other genres of folklore. Legends and traditions, in which various facts and events from the life of the people are reflected in a figurative and vivid form, exist independently. And they all find new life in literature and art.

Traditions, legends and myths are historical memory people about their past, at the same time these are stories about what happened recently. G.U. Ergis noted that the surrounding reality, historical events, and remarkable life phenomena provided rich material for the emergence of oral stories. Academician A.N. Okladnikov characterizes Yakut legends as “an excited and lively story of eyewitnesses or even direct participants in events that have come down to us in the same oral transmission from generation to generation, from great-grandfather to grandfather, from grandfather to father and from father to son, and most often from grandfather or grandmother to grandson, from the famous old man-storyteller to his young listeners" [Ibid.]. Oral traditions and stories about the past, about recent events, legends about shamans and miraculous phenomena associated with beliefs, Yakut myths can be called, in contrast to olonkho, fairy tales and songs, mass works that any expert could tell. But among them, remarkable master storytellers stood out. Such experts on antiquity were the famous Olonkhosut singers E.M. Egorov - Miine Wala (Tattinsky district), D.M. Govorov, R.P Alekseev (Ust-Aldan district), E.Kh. Gorokhov (Verkhoyansk district), I.I. Burnashev - Tong Suorun (Megino-Kangalassky district). There were also masterful performers of legends and stories, such as I.N. Nikolaev - Ugaldy and I.A. Alekseev from Nyurbinsky district.

This volume consists of 56 samples of traditions, legends and myths, of which 41 are published for the first time. The first part of the volume “Historical Legends and Stories” includes three versions from a cycle of legends about the ancestors of the Yakuts, six legends about Tygyn Toyon, the central image of the ancestors of the period of decomposition of patriarchal-tribal relations on the eve of the annexation of Yakutia to the Russian state, and three legends characterizing life and customs ancestors after the annexation of Yakutia to Russia. The second part of the volume is devoted to myths and legends.

Included are notes, commentaries, indexes, and a glossary. In the comments, in addition to the explanation of the text and translation, there are options and versions of the traditions, legends and myths included, which provides rich information and reference material for those who wish to deeply and comprehensively study the Yakut traditions, legends and myths. E.N. took part in compiling the indexes. Kuzmina. The authors thank A.L. for assistance in preparing the volume. Novgorodov and L.F. Rozhin, as well as V.V. Illarionov for checking the national text.

ON THE. Alekseev N.A. Emelyanov V.T. Petrov

LESSON ON THE TOPIC “YAKUT FOLKLORE”.

The talented and hardworking Yakut people, like other peoples, have a rich and unique folklore. Yakut folklore has various genres that reflect the characteristics of the historical development of the people.

This is a rich mythology, fairy tales, the heroic epic-Olonkho, ritual poetry, folk songs, historical stories and legends, proverbs and sayings, riddles, tongue twisters-chabyrgakhs.

Researchers believe that the ancient ancestors of the Yakuts lived in the south of Siberia, in the Baikal region, and from there, gradually being pushed back, moved north and reached the banks of the Lena River. Here they met with the indigenous inhabitants of the North - the ancient tribes of the modern Evens, Evenks, and Yukaghirs. These were taiga hunters and reindeer herders. Sea hunters.

And the ancient Yakuts, who called themselves Uraankhai - Sakha, belonged to the group of Turkic peoples. They were cattle breeders and in their new homeland they taught the northern tribes to raise horses and cattle, and from them they learned animal husbandry and hunting.

But the Yakuts did not forget their distant warm south; its description was preserved in folklore.

Ritual poetry.

Ritual poetry arose when ancient people explained the world around them and natural phenomena in their own way. According to their concepts, every mountain, lake, river, valley, as well as every plant, grass, and any object had its own special spirit - ichchi. In the sky lived good deities - aiys, who ruled the world. In the Lower World lived evil creatures - abaas, who caused evil to people.

Ancient people treated the upper deities and spirits -ichchi with admiration, tried to earn their favor and not anger them. Therefore, various rituals were performed in their honor with sacrifices and praise in their honor. These praises or prayers were called spell songs - algys. These songs, based on the characteristics of each ritual, are divided into different types. Among them, birth songs, wedding songs, and calendar songs in honor of various celebrations stand out.

The most complete in terms of rituals and algys is the summer holiday Ysyakh. According to the calendar ideas of the ancient Yakuts, June is the New Year. At ancient Ysyakhs, the White shaman offered an incantation song to the upper deities - aiyy and spirits - ichchi of nature. The shaman tried to come into contact with them and asked the deities for the organized holiday of universal grace for those gathered, fertility for cattle and horses.

Literature.

"Yakut folk songs"

Yakut book publishing house. 1988

Puzzles.

In the old days, the Yakuts had a custom of amulet, when some things were not called by their proper names. In such cases, people used “secret” speech. Hunters especially used this language. They thought that spirits and animals understood human language, therefore, in order not to reveal their hunting secrets, they used “secret” speech. According to scientists, the riddles are close in their images to these words of the amulet. The main thing in riddles is figurative allegory in the form of an intricate question. A person who solved riddles practiced ingenuity and quick intelligence; it was a kind of mental gymnastics.

Literature.

"Yakut mysteries." Compiled by S. P. Oyunsky.

Yakut book publishing house 1975

Who is the most valuable person in the world? (Mother)

They say the golden cup floats on its own. (Sun)

There is a golden bucket without a bottom (Sun)

In the middle of the alas there is a golden pillar (Sun)

Burns, burns, but does not burn out (Sun)

More expensive than gold, more alive than sable. (Human)

They say that white flowers bloom at night but wither in the morning.

They say that one shepherd grazes thousands of cows. (Moon and stars)

They say the silk sash hung down. (Rainbow)

They say there is an old Mumbling Talker who knows all languages.

They say he is invisible and very fierce. (Freezing)

They say the cauldron is boiling in the forest. (Anthill)

Without seeds, but it grows. (Hair)

And in severe frost the ice hole does not freeze. (Eyes)

The two twins always walk together. (Legs)

They say that a Russian girl sits at the table as the eldest in the family.

(Samovar)

They say that a one-eyed old woman from the southern side comes here and embroiders patterns. (Needle)

There is, they say, something that is smaller than a berry, but stronger than a bull. (Bullet)

Proverbs and sayings.

Proverbs are short folk sayings that summarize life experience people in the form of complete judgments, conclusions and teachings.

Proverbs are short sayings that figuratively define an object or phenomenon.

The main feature of proverbs is their brevity.

Literature.

“Collection of Yakut proverbs and sayings” Compiled by N.V. Emelyanov.

Yakut book publishing house 1965

Conscience is not a gray horse; you can’t borrow it from anyone.

The seed loves fertilized soil, the people love a kind person.

The most valuable thing for a deer is a fawn, for a gun - gunpowder, for a person - health.

You don't find a good friend quickly.

A bird with its color, a man with his mind.

Don’t covet someone else’s, you’ll lose yours.

A good name and great fame have swift wings.

The bad and the good go together in an embrace.

A child who does not cry is not fed.

Don’t be proud that you’re rich, don’t be humiliated that you’re poor.

The hearth of the poor is warm, the hearth of the rich is cold.

Advice from an old man brings happiness.

A kind word is more valuable than wealth.

It's easy to break, difficult to do.

A stupid man with no eyes and no ears.

Even fire makes a family with children happy.

YAKUT FOLKLORE. The largest genre Ya. f. is heroic. epic - olonkho (a separate legend is also designated). Basic its content is heroic. exploits of heroes for the benefit of the Ayyy Aimaga and Uraanghai Sakha tribes, which is why the legends are called by the name of Ch. hero (“Er Sogotokh”, “Nyurgun Bootur”, “Kyys Dabiliye”). Olonkho is genetically close to the legends of the Turko-Mong. peoples of Siberia. The epic is being performed by the people. storytellers - olonkhosuts. The characters' speeches are sung, the rest of the text is spoken in recitative, usually without instruments. accompaniment. In myths, legends and traditions the main interpretations are made. milestones of the ancient history of the Yakuts. ethnicity. They show elements of a person’s early understanding of the environment. world, reflected ethical. norms of behavior and everyday rules. Special legends are widespread. Speakers are Yakut. In folklore, traditions, legends and myths are called “kepseen (sehen)” - “stories (legends)”. Fairy tales are divided into 3 groups: about animals, magic. and household. The first explain the way of life of birds and animals, their coloring and behavior. In magic. In fairy tales, weak people emerge victorious in a conflict with monsters (Magys or others). Plots and images of everyday life. fairy tales are based on real everyday experiences. the lives of the people, morals are revealed in them. and societies. people's ideals. The song (yrya) has several. varieties: olonkho yryata - epic singing, khabarga yryata - a special way throat singing With closed mouth, dieretii yrya - a drawn-out song, degeren yrya - a “frequent” song, sung in recitative without flourish, with a clear rhythm; chyychaah yryata - “birds singing.” Special songs. genre – toyuk (lingering song). In music. In Yakut folklore it occupies the center. place, representing its own identity. national feature of the Yakuts. singing. Toyuk is used for everyday life, celebrations, and love. songs, speeches Olonkho characters. Peculiar. view of the Yakuts. people. poetry is chabyrgah (tongue twister). The essence of the performance is to recite the entire piece rhythmically and expressively without taking a breath. The Yakuts have many proverbs and sayings, genetically common with the sayings of the Turko-Mong. peoples Poetic works accompanying most of the traditions. rituals, the Yakuts call “algys”. In essence, with this word they mean difference. works of ritual poetry - well wishes, blessings, prayers, incantations, spells and hymns. A special type is osuokhai - round dance. a dance that arose in the bosom of traditional rites. Yakut. the holiday of Ysyakh, where ch. The moment was the worship of aiyy deities.

Ya f. studied by folklorists and ethnographers G.U. Ergis, A.A. Popov, G.V. Ksenofontov, I.V. Pukhov, G.M. Vasiliev, N.V. Emelyanov, P.E. Efremov S.P. Oyunskaya, V.V. Illarionov, N.A. Alekseev, Yu.N. Dyakonova, S.D. Mukhopleva, A.S. Larionova, musicologists N.N. Nikolaeva, Yu.I. Sheikin, V.A. Nogovitsyn and others.

Lit.: Ergis G.U. Essays on Yakut folklore. M., 1974; Kyys Dabiliye. Yakut heroic epic. Novosibirsk, 1993; Legends, legends and myths of the Sakha (Yakuts). Novosibirsk, 1995; Mighty Er Sogotokh: Yakut heroic epic. Novosibirsk, 1996. T. 10; Encyclopedia Yakutia. M., 2000. T. 1; Ritual poetry Sakha (Yakuts). Novosibirsk, 2003.

T.V. Illarionova