A sacred place in the yurt of the Bashkirs. Outline of the lesson "Traditional dwellings of the Bashkirs"

MUNICIPAL BUDGET INSTITUTION

ADDITIONAL EDUCATION

« UKRAINIAN SCHOOL»

OF THE URBAN DISTRICT OF THE CITY OF SALAVAT

REPUBLIC OF BASHKORTOSTAN

Lesson outline

« Traditional dwellings of the Bashkirs »

additional education teacher

MBU DO "USH" Salavat

8-917-450-45-39

Salavat 2018

Museum Pedagogy .

Plan-summary of the lesson.

Subject : "Traditional dwellings of the Bashkirs".

Target: to acquaint students with the traditional construction of Bashkir housing.
Tasks:
1. To get acquainted with the life and culture of the Bashkir people.
2. Help to reveal the harmony of the Bashkir yurt with nature.
3. Consider the design of the yurt and the interior.
4. To cultivate a sense of respect for the culture and traditions of our ancestors.
Equipment: presentation.

Course progress. 1. Organization of the group. 2. Introductory conversation. Leading a nomadic and semi-nomadic lifestyle, the Bashkirs needed permanent and temporary dwellings. Accordingly, permanent and temporary dwellings were built. Temporary dwellings were built in the summer camps of the Bashkirs. These included yurts; conical bark, bast, birch bark cone huts - ; booths; log cabins - ; koshom tents - satyr, felt tents - . Along the southern spurs of the Ural Mountains in Zilairsky, Zianchurinsky and Kugarchiprefabricated - alasyks were built in the nsky districts of the Republic of Belarus.

Yurt was a universal dwelling. Permanent dwellings were built of frame construction. The gaps were filled with wood, earth, clay, straw, adobe. The foundation was log, made of stones or stone slabs. The floor is planked, sometimes earthen silt made of adobe. Roofs on slats or rafters. To protect the coating from decay, the roofs were made without gables. In the mountainous forest regions of Bashkortostan, there were no ridge logs on the roofs. As a utility room for cooking and storing food, asalyk was built from bast, tyn or wattle next to the house.

In the 19th century, depending on the places of settlement, the Bashkirs built houses of the following types: stone - rectangular in shape with higher facade walls; log cabins - a 4-walled hut (dүrt mөyөshlo өy, һynar yort) with a canopy (solan); adobe (saman өy) - made of raw bricks, with a flat or sloping roof; wattle - from stakes braided with willow and smeared inside and out with clay; sod or plast houses (kas өy) - from turf laid down with grass. Sod for strengthening was laid with poles.

The permanent dwellings had windows. According to the beliefs of the Bashkirs, one could be exposed to a severe evil eye through them, so one should not talk through the window.

3. Phys. minute. 4. New material. Yurt. Bashkirs built yurts from wool, wood and leather. In its lower part there was a lattice fastened with straps. Above is a wooden circle for the passage of smoke and light. A curtain (sharshau) divided the yurt into two parts. The right, smaller part was female, it had a bedroom with household items, clothes and supplies. The left part was for men - a guest room. The entrance to the yurt was located on the south side.

Home decorations. The red color had a protective function among the Bashkirs. The frame of the yurt and the door were painted red-brown to make them impassable for impure forces. The facade of the house was decorated more than the side facing the courtyard. Starting from the 19th century, the windows of the Bashkir huts were decorated with decorative platbands with patterns based on motifs that have symbolic meanings (rhombus and circle). Particular attention was paid to the decoration of their upper parts. The window board was ornamented with notched carvings, rhombuses, and squares. The main distinguishing feature in the design of modern architraves is coloring. Contrasting colors are most often chosen: dark and light. If the platband is painted in dark colors (dark blue), then the overhead figures are light, and vice versa. The Bashkirs used embroidered carpets, towels, festive clothes, jewelry, hunting accessories, horse harness and weapons to decorate the inside of their dwellings.

5. Student's message.

Interior decoration . The northern part of the Bashkir dwelling, opposite the entrance, was considered the main one and was intended for guests. In the center of the dwelling there was a hearth, above it - a smoke hole. If the hearth was in the courtyard, then a tablecloth was spread in the center of the dwelling, pillows, soft bedding were laid out around it, . There were rugs and pillows on the floor. Textiles, carpets, rugs, felts, tablecloths, curtains, napkins and towels had a semantic meaning in the house - they made the house a protected area. In the male part of the dwelling there were chests on wooden stands with rugs, felt mats, blankets, pillows, mattresses. Holiday clothes were hung on the walls. In a conspicuous place are saddles, inlaid harness, a bow in a leather case and arrows in a quiver, a saber. Kitchen utensils flaunted on the women's side. The main accessories were wooden bunks on props. The bunks were covered with felts and rugs, pillows, mattresses, and quilted blankets. They slept and ate on the bunks. The edges of the bunks were decorated with geometric ornaments with symbolic rhombuses denoting the four cardinal directions. In permanent dwellings, heat in the house during the cold season was provided by a stove. The most common form of stove was the chimney stove (suval). According to the ancient ideas of the Bashkirs, a brownie lives in the oven, and through the chimney the shaitan can enter the house. Therefore, all openings in the furnaces after the firebox were closed. Stoves are also installed in modern Bashkir houses in case centralized heating ends.. 6. The result of the lesson.

What was the name of the dwellings of the Bashkirs?
- What were they built from?
- What elements of the interior do you remember?
7. Homework.
Draw a sketch of the interior of the yurt.

The yurt is one of the great achievements of mankind, comparable to the invention of the sail. Both made it possible to cover long distances in the shortest possible time. It was the yurt, along with the horse, that allowed our ancestors to master the vast expanses from the Danube to the Yellow Sea in a fantastically short time. In these spaces, replacing each other, empires appeared and disappeared: the Huns, Turks, Kipchaks, Mongols and other less known peoples. These empires were three times larger than the Roman Empire.

Early nomads, such as the Asiatic Huns or the Xiongnu, roamed in tents on wheels. The invention of the pack-carried yurt dramatically increased mobility and cross-country ability. Now snow-capped peaks, dense forests and rivers have ceased to be an obstacle. A loaded horse or camel will pass along a narrow path - where a person passes. The wheel is out of competition.

A yurt with a diameter of about four meters is a load for two pack horses capable of covering up to sixty kilometers a day and fully resting. And the presence of hundreds of horses in many families made it possible, in emergency situations, to increase this distance to ninety kilometers. A simple calculation shows that nomads could walk 900 kilometers in ten days. This is confirmed by the lightning speed of their conquests.

Yurt strikes the imagination with its perfection. For thousands of years, all components have been carefully honed until they reached the ideal. Nothing extra. The great French architect Le Corbusier admired the completeness, versatility, interchangeability of parts of the yurt. It was she who he considered as one of the prototypes of his concept "House - a machine for living."

Yurt, which appeared thousands of years ago, remains relevant today. Light weight, compactness, mobility, all-weather and uniformity of parts, combined with low cost, make this dwelling highly competitive in the market of light structures. Also noteworthy is the low operating cost - installation and maintenance do not require high qualifications from personnel, and compactness is the basis for low storage costs during storage. At the same time, the cost of a yurt is 2-3 times lower compared to other rapidly erected structures.

Just like the majority of the Turks, the Bashkirs from ancient times lived in yurts - tirme, which did not differ much from the dwellings of other Turkic peoples. The names of the parts of the tirme also sound almost the same, but some features should still be noted. The slopes of the roof are much steeper, this is due to the greater amount of precipitation in the Urals than in the rest of the Steppe. Doors are wooden. Tirme is never lined with reed mats and is used in construction, in addition to the classic tal, oak, maple, elm and linden. Only the name is original - tirme, found only among the Nogais. The Bashkir tirme is a Turkic-type yurt, although researchers have noted the presence of a Mongolian yurt in the northeast of historical Bashkortostan.

In recent decades, the yurt has become popular all over the world. Many firms in Europe and the USA are engaged in the production and operation of yurts, thereby popularizing this highly aesthetic and romantic dwelling.

Tourism and sports

Today, ethnic and ecological tourism is very fashionable and extremely in demand, and at the same time, this type of tourism is the least represented on the market.

Bashkiria has magnificent nature, but the construction of camp sites from capital structures seems to be an expensive undertaking, and tents do not provide any acceptable level of comfort. It is the yurt that solves the problem of the optimal ratio of price and quality. A very rigid and durable frame, covered with warm felt and waterproof fabric, in addition to purely utilitarian properties, carries a huge charge of aesthetics, romance and the spirit of ancestors - values ​​that are extremely scarce in our urbanized age.

The yurt, covered with two layers of felt and equipped with a fireplace stove, allows it to be used all year round.

A camping yurt is a lightweight option, which is easily transported by one pack horse, allowing tourists a comfortable and romantic stay at every overnight stay. This yurt, which will take no more than 30 minutes to set up, is indispensable on horse trails.

It is no secret that the lack of base camps is the main obstacle to the development of tourism. Compactness allows one Gazelle truck to transport 5 yurts, and this is a camp site for 20 vacationers and 5 staff members. The same yurts installed on boardwalks and equipped with heating can serve as a ski base in winter.

Trade, catering and hotel business

By renting a small plot of land in the city, near major highways, in places of pilgrimage for tourists, at holidays and festivities, you can open your own business in the field of trade, catering and hotel business.

To do this, you just need to buy a yurt and install it. If necessary, buy an electric generator - and you are completely autonomous. You do not pay rent for the premises, you will not be “cut down” by electricity. And the elegant and extravagant look of the yurt is a guarantee that there will be no end to visitors.

Yurts can be combined in various options: trading floor + warehouse + change house; kitchen + trading floor + change house + warehouse or administration + rooms + dining room + kitchen, etc.

Ethno-folklore holidays and museum work

Along with the yurts of the standard model, in the production of which modern materials are used, our company produces yurts of the ethnic model - this is a dwelling made from authentic materials and using most of the old technologies:

• Hardwood only (oak, elm, birch, etc.);
• Billets are only chipped (not sawn);
• The use of steaming for bending;
• Connection of parts only on a rawhide belt and hemp ropes.

Such a yurt is built without a single metal nail, and even hinges and door handles made of wood and leather. To top it off, natural handmade felt.

It is possible to complete with interior items: chests, rugs, saddles and harnesses, vessels for koumiss made of wood and leather, small dishes made of burl, bows and arrows in embossed quivers and bows made of genuine leather. Possible carved doors with floral and geometric ornaments, as well as in the "animal" style.

Romantics

You can buy a yurt just for the soul, put it on your site and “roam” in the summer. You can buy a yurt and put it on the roof of your car and go "roam" around the country or the world. Every week or every day your house will be in a new place, you will save on hotels and enjoy incomparable pleasure.

You can sell your apartment, buy a plot outside the city, set up a yurt and live in it until your new home is built. This yurt can be used by the workers building your house, and after construction is completed, you can use it as a guest house or sell it to a friend who also decided to build a “house on the ground”.

Exclusive

We can build exclusive yurts for you, for example, with a diameter of 12 meters, an area of ​​113 m2! Where you can hold family celebrations, anniversaries and weddings and even conferences.

You can install a similar yurt and rent it out for such celebrations, adding options to the rental - for example, servicing celebrations, etc.

The emergence of permanent Bashkir settlements is mainly associated with the transition of the Bashkirs to semi-settled and sedentary life. If in the northwestern agricultural regions the majority of villages arose even before joining the Russian state, then in the southern and eastern parts of Bashkiria, where even in the 18th-19th centuries. semi-nomadic pastoralism dominated, permanent settlements appeared only two or three centuries ago. The first Bashkir villages, like nomadic auls, were located near water sources, along the banks of rivers and lakes, and retained a cumulus layout. Each village included one tribal division and consisted of no more than 25-30 households. In those cases when several tribal groups settled together, each of them retained territorial isolation; the border was a river, ravine or wasteland. In pastoral areas, as villages grew, part of the families or an entire tribal division separated from the aul, forming a new settlement. Therefore, in the east and south, even in the XIX century. there were few large Bashkir villages. In the northern and western regions, the high population density contributed to the growth of auls into large villages, numbering several hundred households.

In the 20s of the XIX century. the tsarist administration, for the convenience of managing the region, began redevelopment of the Bashkir auls according to the type of Russian villages. The provincial government drew up plans for the villages, allocated land surveyors. The restructuring of auls according to the street type dragged on for several decades, and at the end of the 19th century. there were, mainly in the east, settlements with a disorderly placement of estates. However, most of the Bashkir villages in the late XIX - early XX century. consisted of one, less often - two or three streets, separated by alleys, along which one could go to the river or beyond the outskirts. In the center of the settlement there was a mosque - a rectangular wooden building with a cone-shaped dinar.

At the beginning of the XX century. in the northern and western regions of Bashkiria, which were largely influenced by capitalism, there was some enlargement of the villages. In the eastern part of Bashkiria, villages rarely numbered more than a hundred households; relatively large here were only volost centers

At the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. among the Bashkirs one could find a wide variety of dwellings, ranging from a felt yurt to log huts. This is explained by the complexity of the ethnic history of the people, the peculiarities of the economy in various regions, as well as the diversity of natural conditions. If in the settled northwestern regions at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. the house was the only type of construction, then in the south and east, along with log, adobe or sod huts, various types of light nomadic dwellings existed.

The main type of summer housing for the Bashkirs of the steppe and foothill regions was a lattice yurta, or wagon, covered with felt and felt mats. (tirme). In the northeast, yurts of the Mongolian type were common, which are characterized by a cone-shaped top, in the south and in the Dema basin - the Turkic type, with a hemispherical top. The entrance to the yurt was usually covered with a felt mat. There was an open hearth in the center of the yurt; the smoke from the hearth went out through the open door and through a hole in the dome, from which the felt covering was removed for the duration of the furnace. curtain (sharshau) along the line of the door, the wagon was divided into two parts: to the right of the door * on the female half (sharshau ese), placed household utensils, products; on the left, on the male side (ishek yak) chests with property stood along the walls, felt mats were spread out near them, pillows, blankets lay, weapons, saddles, harness, outerwear, and patterned towels hung along the walls. Subsequently, the division of the wagon into male and female halves lost its significance, and the yurt began to be divided into “clean” and “economic” parts. Simple in design and internal arrangement, the Bashkir yurt was easily disassembled and transported to another place.

At the end of the XIX century. in the steppe Bashkiria, many insolvent families lived in summer camps and in conical huts (tshg / shg), the pole frame of which was covered with tree bark, leaves and felt, or in booths resembling a yurt (alasyt) from wooden frames covered with bast. The internal structure of these dwellings was similar to a yurt.

The Bashkirs of the mountain-forest regions installed small log huts on summer camps ( burama) with an earthen floor, no ceiling, with a gable roof made of bark. This dwelling had no windows and was illuminated through the door and the cracks between the ill-fitting logs of the walls. In log huts, a hearth was arranged in one of the corners at the entrance; against the hearth, along the front and side walls, low log platforms were built, which were covered with grass and branches. Burams were not portable dwellings: the simple technique of their construction, the abundance of building material allowed the Bashkirs to have such log cabins at every summer camp.

During the construction of winter dwellings, mainly wood was used. In the trans-Ural steppe regions and in the Pridem plain, houses were built with wattle, adobe or stone walls. To cover the huts here, instead of hex, wood chips and bark - materials common in mountainous forest areas, sod and straw were used.

Of the types of permanent dwellings in the past, the whole of Bashkiria was characterized by a small four-walled hut with a gable roof, two or three windows, without a special foundation, with a floor raised to the second crown. Such a log hut, especially in forest areas, had much in common with the Burama.

In the second half of the XIX century. Wealthy Bashkirs had three-part dwellings (two huts separated by a vestibule) and two-room huts with a vestibule along the entire length of the log house and separate entrances to each room or with a transition from one room to another. A significant role in the appearance of these dwellings was played by the cultural influence of neighboring peoples, primarily Tatars and Russians.

Bashkir peasants in most cases built their own residential and outbuildings. But in the 19th century professional carpenters had already appeared who, moving from village to village, built large houses with carved architraves, friezes and pediments, mainly for rich peasants. In the south and southeast of Bashkiria, all the peasants of an entire village were often engaged in carpentry. Employed by the inhabitants of the surrounding villages, they built houses not only in the Bashkir, but also in Russian, Tatar and other villages.

In the huts, to a certain extent, the furnishings of the yurt were repeated, and to an even greater extent - the burams. In the hut, the hearth and bunks, characteristic of the yurt and burama, were preserved. (kike, uryndyk), served as a place for both dining and relaxing. As in Burama, bunks were located along the side and front walls (in mountainous forest areas) or along one wall opposite the entrance. The hearth was usually built to the right of the door, at some distance from the walls. Back in the 19th century in the remote villages of the steppe southeastern and mountainous forest regions, peculiar stoves-fireplaces were common (syual) with a straight chimney and a high mouth of the firebox. A small hearth was built next to them. (whisker) with a cauldron. In the north-west of Bashkiria and in the Trans-Urals, especially in the vicinity of Russian villages, at the beginning of the 20th century. they laid Russian-type stoves, which, however, differed in a complex system of chimneys. A feature of the Bashkir stove was the combination of a heating shield (meyes) with a small hearth, which was previously attached to the suval. At the beginning of the century, Dutch brick ovens appeared in some Bashkir villages under the influence of the Russian population. In two-room huts they were installed in the "clean half" - a room for receiving guests, while in the second room they put a stove with a boiler.

The division of the premises into clean and household parts, transferred from the nomadic dwelling, was also observed in the four-wall hut: the clean half of the house was separated by a long curtain stretching from the stove. The decoration of the Bashkir huts was complemented by felt mats (in the south) or woven rugs (in the north) spread out on the bunks, numerous pillows and blankets folded in the corner on the bunks, hanging on the walls and on a pole attached in one of the front corners of towels, clothes, horse harness items. Factory furniture was only in wealthy families.

Differences in the economy left their mark on the arrangement of Bashkir estates. At the beginning of the century, in the northern, agricultural regions, the estate was characterized by numerous outbuildings; there was a “clean” yard, where there was a house and a cage, an economic yard with premises for livestock, sheds, pens, and, finally, a garden in which there was a bathhouse. The few buildings in the Bashkir estate were located, as a rule, freely, at a considerable distance from one another. In the southeast and in the steppes near the Dema, where nomadic and semi-nomadic cattle breeding persisted for a long time, often the only building besides a residential building was a barn with an open corral for cattle. It is no coincidence that in the Trans-Urals all outbuildings until recently were called kerte- i.e., just like pens for cattle on nomads.

Already in the first decades after the October Revolution, especially after the collectivization of agriculture, mass construction and improvement of Bashkir villages began. With the help of the state, with the assistance and support of collective farms, many Bashkir families instead of cramped dilapidated huts erected spacious log houses. New public buildings appeared in the villages: schools, clubs, first-aid posts, hospitals, collective farm economic and administrative buildings.

Especially great changes in the Bashkir villages have taken place in the last decade. The rise of all branches of agriculture, the improvement in the material well-being of the collective-farm peasantry, and the growing cultural needs of the population were reflected in the rapid development of individual and social construction. In 1958 alone, about 24 thousand houses were built in the villages of Bashkiria. At present, most of the villages have been renovated by more than half, some have been rebuilt almost anew. When restructuring settlements, much attention is paid to their improvement; landscaping of streets, organization of water supply, electrification and radiofication.

Modern rural construction is characterized by the restructuring of villages according to the architectural plan. Comprehensive planning of rural construction for entire administrative regions has begun. In 1960, as an experiment, design organizations of the republic drew up a long-term plan for the restructuring of the villages of the Karmaskala region. Such plans provide for the maximum enlargement of settlements, a clear functional division of the village into industrial, residential and recreational areas, the construction of buildings for cultural and public institutions, consumer services, and the organization of a network of communal amenities.

Collective-farm construction brigades and inter-collective-farm production construction organizations play an important role in carrying out the restructuring of villages. Construction brigades are constructing industrial buildings, helping to build houses for collective farmers. By the beginning of 1963, there were more than 20 thousand construction specialists in the collective farm brigades of Bashkiria. Inter-collective-farm organizations, pooling the resources and forces of adjacent collective farms, organize the production of building materials, the development of stone quarries, the preparation and delivery of lumber, and run carpentry workshops.

Every year the number of huts made of adobe, wattle, clay decreases; there are almost no houses covered with straw, bark, turf. The most typical for modern dwellings are log and brick buildings. Many collective farms in treeless regions widely use local building materials: clay, sand, limestone, stone, etc. The tasks of industrial enterprises and construction organizations include providing collective farmers with slate, tiles, and iron.

Along with the use of new building materials, architectural techniques are being improved, the internal layout of dwellings is changing. The modern house of the Bashkir is most often a fairly large five-six-window log house, placed on wooden pedestals dug into the ground or a stone foundation; a gable or four-pitched roof is covered with board, slate or tile. Cornices, pediments and window casings are decorated with carvings and paintings. Folk Bashkir craftsmen, relying on the rich traditions of architectural carving of Russian and other peoples, select the most appropriate ornamental forms for the spirit of the time, develop new techniques that satisfy the tastes of the collective farm peasantry and at the same time fully correspond to the pace of housing construction in the countryside.

In the interior layout, a desire for greater convenience in everyday life is noticeable. Usually, the Bashkir's house is divided into several rooms by the middle wall of a five-wall log house and plank partitions: an entrance hall, a kitchen, a bedroom, a living room, etc. Even in treeless northwestern regions, where one-room huts still prevail, the room is divided by short curtains attached to mother. Particularly large changes in the internal layout of the dwelling occurred in the northeast, where houses with four or five rooms appeared. In the first rooms from the entrance - the kitchen and the hallway - many features inherited from pre-revolutionary life are preserved: here there is a bulky stove with a stove and a boiler smeared into the side, next to it on a shelf (cashte) or household utensils and utensils are stored in the closet; small narrow bunk beds are built in the corner of the door. The rest of the rooms are furnished in an urban way. These rooms are heated by a small Dutch oven. The features of the new decoration of residential premises are closely intertwined with national traditions. National color is created by nailed to the mother or

embroidered curtains to the walls near the ceiling ( kashaea), a canopy covering the bed, woven carpets or felt mats laid on the floor or on benches.

There have been changes in the building of estates. True, the division of the yard into “clean” and economic parts continues to exist, the traditional free arrangement of outbuildings on the estate is preserved. Under the conditions of collective farming, the need for some buildings - stables, barns for storing agricultural implements - has disappeared, the area occupied by the garden is noticeably reduced, economic services are more compactly located. The modern Bashkir estate is well landscaped.

The development of industry in the region after joining the Russian state, the construction of fortresses and factories, the settlement of Bashkir lands by newcomers led to the emergence of large settlements: cities, shopping and industrial centers. The first city on the territory of Bashkiria was Ufa, founded by the tsarist government in the second half of the 16th century. as a strategic post in the east of Russian possessions. Located in the center of the Bashkir lands, at the junction of land and water routes, Ufa from a small military-type fortress by the 18th century. turned into one of the transport, trade and administrative centers of the Urals. According to the 1897 census, there were about 50 thousand inhabitants in Ufa. Among them, the Bashkirs did not even make up one percent, they were represented mainly by Muslim clergy and merchants.

Pre-revolutionary Ufa was built up mainly with two-story wooden houses. The largest buildings were the stone houses of the Provincial Zemstvo Council, the Peasants' Bank, numerous churches and mosques. Administrative offices and mansions of Russian, Tatar and Bashkir nobles and merchants were located in the city center. On the outskirts, along the slopes of the ravines, huts of workers were molded. Of the industrial enterprises, the most significant were Gutman's iron and copper foundry, locomotive repair and ship repair workshops, and two steam mills. Cultural institutions were represented only by secular and theological schools and several libraries with a small fund of literature. There was no permanent theater in Ufa. Various clubs served as a place of entertainment for representatives of the "high society".

The county towns of Sterlitamak, Birsk, and Belebey were even more out of the way. The author of the famous "Sketches from the life of wild Bashkiria" N.V. Remezov, who visited the largest of the county centers of the region of Sterlitamak at the end of the 19th century, wrote: "... in the county town of Sterlitamak, forever buried in mud ..., there were several streets with wooden buildings, a cathedral on the square, a building of government offices in the same place, a bazaar in the neighborhood and a prison in the pasture. "At the beginning of the 20th century several industrial enterprises were founded in Sterlitamak - two or three small mills, a sawmill, a tannery, which, however, did not change the face of the city.

By the 18th century - the time of the birth of the mining industry in the South Urals - the appearance of the first workers' settlements dates back. These were settlements assigned to industrial enterprises of serfs, mostly Russians. The factory settlements were relatively small and differed little from the surrounding villages in appearance.

In the second half of the 19th century, after the abolition of serfdom, rows of squat barracks-barracks grew up next to the huts of old-timers in workers' settlements, capable of accommodating a large number of workers who rushed from agriculture to industry. Unsanitary conditions due to a large crowd of people, soot and soot deposited everywhere, the dirt of unpaved streets determined the appearance of the factory settlements. At the beginning of the XX century. at some of the largest factories (Beloretsky, Tirlyansky), medical posts and schools appeared. In most cases, the only place in the factory village where the workers could spend their few free hours was the tavern.

The development of the economy of Soviet Bashkiria caused a rapid growth of cities. The capital of the republic - Ufa has turned into a large modern city with a population of 640 thousand people. Multi-storey well-appointed houses, wide paved streets immersed in greenery, squares, parks, public gardens, busy traffic - this is the image of today's Ufa. Ufa has the largest oil refineries and chemical plants, plywood and woodworking plants, light and food industry factories. Ufa is the scientific and cultural center of the republic. There are a university, medical, aviation, oil and agricultural institutes, numerous research institutions, an opera and drama theater, a philharmonic society, many libraries, art, local history and other museums, a republican radio committee, and a television center.

Great changes have taken place in the appearance of other cities of the republic. Sterlitamak has become a center of the chemical industry of all-Union significance. The cities of Birsk and Belebey became economically developed and more comfortable.

With the development of new branches of industry, new socialist cities arose. Sibai became the center for the extraction of non-ferrous ore, Ishimbai, Salavat, Tuymazy, Oktyabrsky, Neftekamsk for the oil and oil refining industry, Kumertau and Meleuz for coal. The young cities of Bashkiria are distinguished by a single architectural style, simplicity of planning, and well-being. Their other feature is the removal of industrial enterprises from the residential area, the connection of the factory area with the city center by permanent transport.

There are 34 urban-type settlements on the territory of the Bashkir ASSR. They are built up with two-three-storey comfortable houses. In the settlements there are palaces of culture, clubs, cinemas, shops, canteens. All this characterizes the new life of the workers of Bashkiria.

Features of the economy of various regions of the region, long-term and diverse cultural ties of the Bashkirs with other peoples left their mark on the nature of the clothing of their individual groups. The southeastern Bashkirs, who for a long time retained a semi-nomadic pastoral way of life, widely used leather, skins and wool for sewing shoes, outerwear and hats in the last century; they were familiar with the making of linen from nettles and wild hemp. In the XVIII century. the southeastern Bashkirs sewed underwear “mainly from Central Asian or Russian factory fabrics, which is explained by the establishment of trade relations with Central Asia, and after joining Russia - through Orenburg and Troitsk - with the internal markets of the empire. The Bashkir population along the lower reaches of the river. Beloi, who had early settled down, made clothes mainly from nettle and hemp canvas, and later from linen. Winter clothes and hats were mostly sewn from the fur of fur-bearing animals or the skins of domestic animals.

The national men's costume in the last century was the same for the entire Bashkir population. A tunic-shaped shirt with a turn-down collar and trousers with a wide step served as underwear and at the same time outerwear. Over the shirt they wore a short sleeveless jacket ( kamzul); when going out into the street, they put on a wedged caftan ( pezeki) with a blind fastener and a stand-up collar or a long, almost straight dressing gown made of dark fabric ( elen, bishmet). The nobility and the ministers of the religious cult wore dressing gowns made of motley Central Asian silk. In the cold season, the Bashkirs wore spacious cloth robes ( sackman), sheepskin coats ( dash tun) or short coats ( bille tun).

Skullcaps were everyday headwear for men. (tubetei). Elderly people wore skullcaps made of dark velvet, young people wore bright ones, embroidered with colored threads. In the cold season, felt hats or fur hats covered with fabric were worn over skullcaps. (burq, cache). In the southern, especially in the steppe, regions, warm fur malakhai were worn in snowstorms. (tolashyn) with a small crown and a wide blade that covered the back of the head and ears.

The most common footwear throughout the east of Bashkiria, as well as in the Chelyabinsk and Kurgan regions, were boots (saryk) with soft leather heads and soles and high cloth or canvas tops, tied at the knees with a cord. In the northern regions, the Bashkirs wore bast bast shoes almost all year round. (sabata), similar to the Tatar ones. In the rest of the territory, homemade leather shoes were worn. (kata). Leather boots ( itek) were considered festive shoes. Older men from wealthy families wore soft boots ( sitek) with leather or rubber galoshes.

Women's clothing was more varied. It more clearly manifested age and social differences, the characteristics of individual groups of the population. The underwear of the Bashkirs were dresses (cooldack) and bloomers (pants). In the 19th century most of the women's dresses were cut off at the waist. with a wide skirt gathered at the waist and sleeves slightly narrowed down. Tunic dresses with straight sleeves, sewn-in gussets and side wedges, characteristic in the past not only for the Bashkirs, but also for many peoples of Eastern Europe, Siberia and Central Asia, were very rare. Many women decorated their dresses with ribbons and lace, sewing them in a semicircle near the breast slit. Married women wore a chest band under their dress until they were very old ( tushelderek)- a rectangular flap with bent upper corners and straps sewn to them; the central part of the breastplate was decorated with ribbons, stripes of multi-colored fabrics, or a simple pattern made with chain stitch. Short fitted sleeveless jackets (camisole) were worn on the dress, sheathed along the edges of the sides and floors with several rows of braid (uka), coins and badges. In the north of Bashkiria, in the last century, a motley or canvas apron became widespread ( alyapkys), lightly embellished with a sworn pattern or embroidery. In the beginning, the apron was a work wear. Later, in the northeastern regions, an apron embroidered with bright threads became an integral part of the festive costume.

Dark dressing gowns (elen - in the south, beshmet - in the north), slightly fitted at the waist and extended downwards in the floors, were worn everyday. Braid, tinsel, coins, openwork pendants, and beads were sewn onto festive velvet robes. Women from wealthy families decorated their clothes especially richly. Homespun robes were common in the northwestern regions. (fish), similar to Mari. Warm winter robes made of white homemade cloth were also decorated with coins and tinsel. (ak szh-men). Expensive fur coats - beaver, otter, marten, fox (bada tun, kama tun) worn by rich Bashkirs; the less affluent sewed sheepskin coats. In poor families, not every woman even had sheepskin coats; often, when leaving the house, a woolen or downy shawl was thrown over the shoulders, or a husband's fur coat was put on.

The most common headdress for women of all ages was a small cotton scarf. (yalyk), tied under the chin for two adjacent corners. In the eastern and trans-Ural regions, young women wore a bright veil for a long time after the wedding. ("kushyalyk). It was sewn from two factory red scarves with a large white or yellow floral pattern; under the chin it was fixed] with a braid, decorated with one or two rows of coins and pendants made of beads, corals, cloves, coins. In the same areas, elderly women and old women wore a towel (2-3 m long) linen headdress ( tadtar) with embroidery at the ends, reminiscent of the headdresses of the Chuvash and Finnish-speaking peoples of the Volga region. In the north of Bashkiria, girls and young women wore small velvet caps under headscarves ( kalpak), embroidered with beads, pearls, corals, and older women - quilted cotton spherical caps ( stupid). In the eastern and southern parts, married women wore high fur hats (t gama burk, am-sat b^rk). In the southern half of Bashkiria, women's helmet-shaped hats (t gasmau), decorated with beads, corals and coins with a round neckline at the top and a long blade descending to the back. In some regions of the Trans-Urals, high tower-shaped hats decorated with coins were worn over kashmau. (caldpush).

The heavy headdresses of the southern Bashkirs went well with wide trapezoid or oval breastplates. (poop, sel-ter etc.), completely sewn up with rows of coins, corals, plaques and precious stones. Most northern Bashkirs did not know such decorations; on the chest they wore various types of necklaces made of coins. Bashkirs wove braids with openwork pendants or coins at the ends, threads with corals strung on them; the girls fastened a spade-shaped braid sewn with corals on the back of their heads ( elkelek).

Rings, rings, wrist bracelets, earrings were common women's jewelry. Expensive jewelry (breastplates sewn with coins, corals, pearls, precious stones, headdresses, silver necklaces and openwork earrings) were worn mainly by wealthy Bashkirs. In poor families, jewelry was made from metal plaques, tokens, fakes for precious stones, pearls, etc.

Women's shoes differed little from men's. Women and girls wore leather shoes, boots, bast shoes, shoes with canvas tops (saryk). The backs of women's canvas boots, unlike men's, are bright.

decorated with colorful appliqué. Trans-Ural Bashkirs put on brightly embroidered boots with heels on holidays (kata).

Some changes in the costume of the Bashkirs took place at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century. and were mainly associated with the penetration of commodity-money relations into the Bashkir village. Under the influence of the Russian workers and the urban population, the Bashkirs began to sew clothes from cotton and woolen fabrics, to buy factory goods: shoes, hats, outerwear (mainly men's) clothing. The cut of women's dresses became noticeably more complicated. However, for a long time, Bashkir clothing continued to retain traditional features.

The modern Bashkir collective farm peasantry does not wear homespun clothes. Women buy satin, chintz, staple, thick silk (satin, twill) for dresses, white linen, teak for men's and women's underwear; everyday sleeveless jackets and jackets are sewn from dark cotton fabrics, festive ones are made from plush and velvet. However, traditionally cut clothes are already noticeably replacing ready-made factory-made dresses. The Bashkir population acquires men's suits and urban-style shirts, women's dresses, raincoats, coats, short coats, quilted jackets, fur hats with earflaps, caps, shoes, galoshes, leather and rubber boots and other things. Knitted and cotton underwear became widespread.

Men's clothing has undergone especially great changes. The modern costume of middle-aged collective farmers and youth in most regions of Bashkiria is almost no different from the urban one. It consists of a factory-cut shirt, trousers, jacket, shoes or boots, and in winter they wear coats, hats and felt boots. In some places, mainly in the northeast, near the Bashkirs of the Chelyabinsk and Kurgan regions, some more traditions in clothing are preserved: on holidays it is customary to wear a shirt embroidered along the collar and placket (a wedding gift from the bride to the groom), belted with a wide towel belt ( bilmau); The headdress of young people is still an embroidered skullcap. More traditional features are preserved by the clothes of the elderly Bashkirs. Many older men continue to wear sleeveless jackets, caftans (kazeki), beshmets, and dark velvet skullcaps. Even in those cases when an old person wears factory-made clothes, some features of wearing it remain: the shirt is worn loose, the jacket is not buttoned, the trousers are tucked into woolen socks, rubber galoshes are on the legs, a skullcap or felt hat is on the head, replacing the former felt one.

Changes in women's clothing affected primarily the costume of young people. Least of all, traditional clothing has been preserved in the western regions of Bashkiria, where the costume of rural youth almost does not differ from the urban one. Older women, although they use factory-made things, continue to wear old-fashioned dresses, velvet sleeveless jackets, and in some cases fitted robes decorated with lace. There are much more traditional features in the costume of the Eastern Bashkirs, especially in the Kurgan and Chelyabinsk regions. A closed dress with a standing collar and slightly narrowed long sleeves, with a wide skirt, decorated at the bottom with one or two frills or ribbons, and a velvet camisole, sewn along the edge with rows of galloon and coins - such is the usual costume of a Bashkir woman of these places. In some regions of the Trans-Urals, young women still wear bedspreads (kushyauli).

National traditions are especially firmly preserved in women's festive dresses. In the north-east of Bashkiria, for example, girls and young women sew festive dresses and aprons from shiny, brightly colored satin or black satin, embroidering the hem and sleeves with a large pattern of woolen or silk threads. The outfit is complemented

velvet caps worn slightly to one side, decorated with beads or glass beads, small embroidered scarves, white woolen stockings gathered in an accordion, shiny rubber overshoes. Often on holidays, women can be seen wearing ancient jewelry (massive breastplates made of corals and coins, etc.) - However, traditional clothing, even in eastern regions, is gradually being replaced by urban-type clothing; new styles appear, considerations of convenience and expediency come to the fore in the choice of a suit.

In the cities, the traditional Bashkir costume has not been preserved. Only in some workers' settlements in the Trans-Urals do women continue to wear large scarves, embroidered aprons, and ancient jewelry. The overwhelming majority of Bashkir workers - both men and women - dress in urban costumes, which they purchase in stores or order from tailoring workshops. In winter, many women wear downy (so-called Orenburg) shawls, which, by the way, Russian women also willingly buy.

The Bashkirs, like other pastoral peoples, had a varied dairy and meat cuisine. The main place in the diet of many families, especially in summer, was occupied by milk and dairy dishes. The traditional meat dish of the southern Bashkirs was boiled horse meat or lamb cut into pieces with broth and noodles ( bishbarma, kuldama). Along with this dish, the guests were served pieces of dried sausage (trägbjr), made from raw meat and fat. Along with meat and dairy food, the Bashkirs have long been preparing dishes from cereals. In the Trans-Urals and some southern regions, stew was cooked from whole grains of barley, a favorite food for adults.

and children were whole or crushed, red-hot and fried grains of barley, hemp and spelt ( kurmas, talkan). As agriculture developed, plant foods began to occupy an increasingly prominent place in the diet of the Bashkir population. In the northern and western regions, and later in the south, they began to bake cakes and bread. Stews, cereals were cooked from barley and spelled groats, noodles were prepared from wheat flour (kalma). Flour dishes were considered tasty yuuasa, bauyrkak- Pieces of unleavened wheat dough cooked in boiling fat. Under the influence of the Russian population, the Bashkirs of these regions began to bake pancakes and pies.

Until the 1920s, the Bashkirs almost did not consume vegetables and vegetable dishes. Only potatoes at the beginning of the 20th century. occupied an important place in the nutrition of the northwestern Bashkirs.

The intoxicating drink of the Bashkirs of the northern and central regions was prepared with honey aces ball- a kind of mash, and in the south and east - booze-- vodka of barley, rye or wheat malt.

Despite the variety of national dishes, the bulk of the Bashkirs ate poorly. Meat, even on holidays, was far from being in every family. The daily food of most Bashkirs was milk, edible wild plants, cereals and flour. The Bashkirs experienced especially great difficulties in nutrition starting from the second half of the 19th century, when the cattle breeding economy fell into decay, and agriculture had not yet become a habitual occupation of the Bashkir population. During this period, most Bashkir families lived from hand to mouth almost all year round.

It was difficult for the Bashkirs who worked in mines, factories, and gold mines. Receiving rations from the administration or taking food on credit from a local shopkeeper, the working Bashkirs ate food of very low quality. At many enterprises, the administration gave the Bashkirs baked bread, but so bad that they were forced to exchange it with the Russian population, receiving a pound of Russian kalach for 5-10 pounds of "Bashkir" bread. Instead of the beef meat that was agreed upon, the Bashkirs were given heads, trimmings, etc.

Nowadays, dairy, meat and flour products still occupy the main place in the diet of every Bashkir family, both in the village and in the city. Thick cream collected from baked milk is used as a seasoning for cereals, tea and stews. From sour cream (kaymak) churn butter (May). Milk is fermented to make curd (eremsek), spoiled milk (katyk) and other products. Slow-dried reddish sweet curd mass (ezhekay) prepared for the future: as a tasty meal, it is often served with tea. In the southern regions of Bashkiria, sour milk is prepared from sour milk (by prolonged boiling and squeezing the resulting mass) sour-salty curds (king)] they are used fresh. (yesh short) or, after drying, they store it for the winter, then serving it with tea, stews. In the summer heat, the Bashkirs drink sour milk diluted with water. (airan, diren). Among the southern groups, a spicy thirst-quenching drink is koumiss, made from mare's milk. The favorite drink of the Bashkirs is tea. Honey is served with tea as a sweet.

New in the nutrition of the Bashkirs is the uniform distribution of products by season. If earlier in winter most families had a monotonous half-starved table, now the Bashkir population eats a variety of foods all year round.

In all regions of Bashkiria, potatoes, cabbage, cucumbers, onions, carrots and other vegetables, as well as berries and fruits, occupy a large place in the diet. Flour products and cereal dishes have become more diverse. An indispensable food product is now baked bread. In rural shops and shops, the Bashkirs buy cereals, sugar, sweets, cookies, pasta, etc. Under the influence of Russian cuisine, the Bashkirs have new dishes: cabbage soup, soups, fried potatoes, pies, jams, salted vegetables, mushrooms. Accordingly, a much smaller place in the diet of the Bashkirs is now occupied by traditional cereal dishes (kurmas, talkan, kuzhe, etc.) and some flour and meat dishes. At the same time, such favorite Bashkir dishes as bishbarmak, salma, are recognized by Russians and other peoples of the region. Shops sell katyk, korot, eremsek, ezhekei prepared according to national recipes. These dishes are included in the regular menus of canteens and other catering establishments. Specialized farms and factories produce Bashkir koumiss for wide consumption, which has become a favorite drink of the entire population of the republic.

The nutrition of Bashkir families in cities and workers' settlements differs little from the nutrition of the rest of the population. Many, especially young people, use factory and city canteens. Family prefer to eat at home, but every day the housewives are more willing to use the services of home kitchens, shops selling semi-finished products, canteens that sell meals at home.

Bashkirs-cattle breeders widely used utensils from the skins and skins of domestic animals. Leather vessels filled with koumiss, ayran or sour milk were taken on a long journey or to work in the forest and field. In huge leather bags kaba), with a capacity of several buckets, they prepared koumiss.

Wooden utensils were widespread in everyday life: ladles for pouring koumiss ( izhau), various sizes of bowls and cups (tobacco, ashtaui etc.), tubs (silzh, batman), used for storage and transportation of honey, flour and grain, wooden kegs (tepan) for water, koumiss, etc.

Teapots and samovars were available only in wealthy families. Several poor Bashkir families often used one cast-iron cauldron mashed into the oven for cooking. (ha^an).

At the beginning of the XX century. in Bashkir farms, purchased metal, ceramic and glass utensils appeared. In connection with the decline of cattle breeding, the Bashkirs stopped making leather utensils. New utensils began to displace wooden utensils as well. Hollowed-out tubs and bowls served mainly for food storage.

Nowadays, everywhere for cooking, the Bashkirs use enameled and aluminum pots, mugs and teapots, and cast-iron pans. Tea and tableware china, glasses, glass vases, metal spoons and forks appeared. Urban utensils have firmly entered the life of collective farmers of the Bashkirs. However, in villages, housewives still prefer to store dairy products in wooden utensils. Koumiss is also prepared in wooden tubs equipped with wooden beaters. In cities and workers' settlements, the Bashkirs use only factory-made dishes.

FAMILY AND SOCIAL LIFE

The social life of the Bashkirs on the eve of the October Revolution was characterized by a peculiar and complex interweaving of feudal, capitalist relations that began to develop and still strong remnants of the patriarchal-gross system. The noticeable role of patriarchal tribal traditions in the social life of the Bashkirs was explained, on the one hand, by the structure of their economy, and on the other hand, by the influence of the national and colonial policy of tsarism, which sought to conserve surviving forms of the socio-economic system of the oppressed peoples in order to strengthen its dominance. Semi-nomadic pastoralism, preserved in some areas, was no longer dictated by economic necessity. However, patriarchal-feudal social relations associated with the nomadic pastoral form of economy and the traditions of the tribal system were slowly destroyed.

The relative stability of patriarchal tribal traditions was determined by the peculiarities of land relations in Bashkiria. With the accession to the Russian state, the Bashkir tribes and clans (volosts - according to Russian sources) received royal grants for the ownership of land estates. Usually, the territories occupied by them for a long time were given into the common possession of the members of the clan. Already in the 17th century, and in the western part of Bashkiria much earlier, the fragmentation of communal estates between villages or groups of villages began. However, this process was hampered both by the tsarist administration, which sought to preserve the volosts as taxable units, and by the Bashkir feudal lords, who owned hundreds and thousands of heads of cattle and therefore were interested in maintaining the appearance of common clan land ownership. In the XVII-XVIII centuries. the herds of some Bashkir foremen numbered up to 4 thousand heads of cattle. At the same time, the number of farms that did not have livestock was growing rapidly. At the beginning of the 19th century, almost half of the farms in the northwestern regions of Bashkiria were horseless. With such a sharp property differentiation of the Bashkir farms, common clan land ownership actually turned into a legal fiction that covered the feudal usurpation of communal lands.

Started in the 17th century the process of fragmentation of ancestral land estates continued in the 18th and 19th centuries. Formally, the general volost (general) land ownership in a number of Bashkir regions remained until the middle of the 19th century, but in fact the land was divided among the villages. The division of land between the villages was gradually consolidated legally: separate charters or acts of boundary commissions were issued for land ownership. Bashkir village in the XIX century. in essence, it was a territorial community in which, along with the preservation of common ownership of part of the land (pasture, forest, etc.), there was a division (according to the number of souls) of arable land and hayfields.

The penetration of capitalist relations into the Bashkir village in different areas was uneven. In the western agricultural regions, this process proceeded relatively quickly. Huge areas of communal lands gradually became the property of wealthy households. Landlessness of the bulk of the peasants and the enrichment of the kulaks especially intensified at the beginning of the 20th century. According to 1905 data, in three districts of the western part of Bashkiria, rich kulak farms, which accounted for over 13% of all farms, concentrated in their hands about half of all communal lands; at the same time, more than 20% of peasant households had plots of less than 6 acres per household. The ruined Bashkirs were forced to go into bondage to the landowner or to their rich relatives. The kulak elite in the Bashkir village was usually made up of representatives of secular and spiritual authorities: elders, elders, mullahs. In the exploitation of ordinary community members, they widely used forms of feudal oppression, covered with remnants of tribal relations (help to rich relatives for refreshments, various types of labor, etc.). By the beginning of the XX century. in the west of Bashkiria, capitalist forms of exploitation were widely spread. In the eastern regions, feudal forms of exploitation, veiled by the traditions of patriarchal-clan relations, persisted much longer.

One of the main features of the patriarchal-clan structure of the Eastern Bashkirs were tribal divisions (ara, aimag), which united a group of related families (on average 15-25) - descendants of one common ancestor in the male line. The great importance of tribal divisions in social relations was determined to a large extent by the fact that for many centuries, in some places until the end of the 19th century, the custom of the members of the ara (aimak) to jointly leave for nomadic camps was preserved. Pastures, formally in the common possession of the clan, due to long-term traditions, were gradually assigned to clan divisions. The clan subdivision, like the clan, did not have clearly defined boundaries of their land territories, but each ara and each aimak for many decades from year to year roamed along the traditional route, grazing cattle on the same pastures, thereby exercising their own the right to own part of the ancestral lands. Bashkir feudal lords used these traditions to usurp landed property. In the XVII-XVIII centuries. large feudal lords created pastoral nomadic groups, while maintaining the appearance of tribal divisions. The pasture-nomadic group included not only the ruined relatives of the feudal lord, but also laborers who served in his household. (yals) from other Bashkir clans. These groups roamed with the cattle of the feudal lord on the ancestral lands.

The emergence and development of pasture-nomadic groups meant the further disintegration of clans and the strengthening of territorial ties. From the second half of the XIX century. migration by a tribal unit gradually became a rarity due to a sharp decrease in the number of livestock. The Bashkirs of one village, who had cattle, regardless of whether they belonged to the ara or aimak, united in one pasture-nomadic group. Usually it was a wealthy cattle owner and his sauna workers, who continued to roam the communal lands.

With the development of agriculture in the eastern regions of Bashkiria, as well as in the western, there is a gradual fragmentation of tribal land estates between villages - rural communities. Arable and hayfields are distributed among the community members according to the number of souls. Part of the so-called free land remained in the common use of the communities. Despite the emerging new land relations, patriarchal tribal traditions still had a strong impact on the social life of the Eastern Bashkirs. Huge areas of land, especially the "free lands" of the community, continued to dispose of the feudal elite. The working Bashkirs, who had neither livestock for cultivating the land, nor agricultural skills, were forced to rent out their shower plots. In fact, leasing land for a long period was tantamount to alienation. The Bashkir peasant, having leased his allotment or having completely lost it, often went to work as farm laborers to his own tenant - a wealthy community member or to a Russian kulak.

Thus, the developing capitalist relations that seized Bashkiria in the post-reform period, destroyed the semi-nomadic pastoral economy of the Eastern Bashkirs and increased social differentiation in the Bashkir village, weakly affected the centuries-old

patriarchal-feudal forms of exploitation. Capitalist relations, intertwined with pre-capitalist ones, appeared in Bashkiria in a primitive and therefore most painful form for the working people. A reactionary role in the social life of the Bashkirs was played by the patriarchal-tribal ideology, the remnants of tribal life, the illusion of a “community” of interests of members of the clan, which obscured the class self-consciousness of the working people and hampered the growth of the class struggle.

The victory of the October Revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat created the political prerequisites for the formation of socialist social relations in the Bashkir society. The revolution forever swept away the national-colonial oppression of tsarism, thereby eliminating the legal inequality of the oppressed peoples of Russia. The working Bashkirs had to go through a difficult path to achieve complete and virtual equality: it was necessary to eliminate the age-old economic and cultural backwardness. These difficulties were successfully and in a historically short period of time overcome on the basis of the Leninist national policy of the Communist Party, thanks to the enormous practical assistance of the Soviet government and the Russian people in the cause of socialist industrialization, the collectivization of agriculture, and the development of the culture of the republic.

The creation of a socialist industry in Bashkiria and the reconstruction of agriculture radically changed the social structure of Bashkir society and the nature of social relations. The bulk of the rural population of the republic is the collective farm peasantry, including the Bashkir. As a result of industrialization, a new working class was formed in Bashkiria; tens of thousands of workers from among the indigenous population came to industry. The national intelligentsia grew up; the size of the Bashkir population in cities increased markedly.

In the process of building socialism, the working Bashkirs developed and firmly entered into life such features of their spiritual character as a communist attitude to work and to public property, a sense of friendship with all peoples, devotion to the cause of socialism, which all Soviet socialist nations have in common.

The dominant form of the family among the Bashkirs in the XIX century.

was a small family. At the same time, at the end of the century, the eastern groups of the Bashkir population had many undivided families in which married sons lived with their father. As a rule, these were prosperous families connected, in addition to ties of consanguinity, by common economic interests.

The vast majority of Bashkir families were monogamous. Two or three wives each had mostly bai and clergy; men from less wealthy families remarried only if the first wife was childless or seriously ill and could not work on the farm.

The father was the head of the family. He disposed of family property, his word was decisive not only in all economic matters, but also in determining the fate of children, family customs and rituals.

The position of older and younger women was not the same. The older woman enjoyed great honor and respect. She was dedicated to all family affairs, disposed of household chores. With the arrival of the daughter-in-law (dusty) the mother-in-law was completely exempted from all household chores, a young woman was already engaged in their implementation. Under the strict supervision of the mother-in-law, the daughter-in-law worked in her husband’s house from early morning until late evening, performing various duties: cooking, cleaning the home, processing household raw materials and sewing clothes, caring for for cattle, milking of mares and cows. In many regions of Bashkiria

even at the beginning of the 20th century. there were customs that were humiliating for women, according to which the daughter-in-law covered her face from her father-in-law, mother-in-law and her husband's older brothers, could not talk to them, was obliged to serve during the meal, but she herself had no right to take part in it. Minor girls felt somewhat freer in the family.

The humiliated position of a woman was sanctified by religion. According to her dogmas, the husband was a full-fledged master in the house. A Bashkir woman had to patiently endure all manifestations of her husband's discontent, insults, and beatings. True, the property and livestock that a woman brought into her husband's house as a dowry and the right to which was retained by her in the future ensured her some independence. In case of ill-treatment, frequent beatings, the wife had the right to demand a divorce and leave her husband, taking her property. But in reality, women almost never used this right, since the customs actually legalized and consecrated by religion protected the interests of a man: if the husband refused to let his wife go, the relatives of the latter were obliged to give a ransom for her in the amount of the bride price received for her, otherwise the woman, even becoming free, could not remarry. In addition, the husband had the right to keep the children.

The family customs and rituals of the Bashkirs reflect various stages of their socio-economic history, as well as ancient and Muslim religious prohibitions. Remnants of exogamous customs persisted among the Bashkirs until the October Revolution. With the decomposition of the tribal organization, the marriage ban extended only to members of the tribal division; at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. marriage could also be concluded within the tribal division, but only with relatives no closer than the fifth or sixth generation. The marriageable age for girls was considered to be 14-15 years old, for boys - at 16-17 years old. Sometimes, especially in the southeast, children were wooed while still in their cradles. When declaring children to be future spouses, parents agreed on the amount of bride price and, as a sign of the agreement, drank basha- honey or koumiss diluted with water. In the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries, when class relations in Bashkir society became especially aggravated, often the only consideration in concluding a marriage was material calculation. With the feelings of young people, especially girls, little was considered. Often a teenage girl was given in marriage to an old man. A humiliating and heavy burden fell on a woman the custom of levirate, which disappeared from the life of the Bashkirs only at the beginning of our century.

The wedding cycle of the Bashkirs consisted of matchmaking, marriage ceremony and wedding feast. Having decided to marry his son, the father sent the chosen girl to the parents as a matchmaker (ko?a, dimsho) the most respected relative or went to woo himself. Having received the consent of the girl's parents, the matchmaker negotiated with them about wedding expenses, bride price, and dowry. The size of the kalym fluctuated depending on the wealth of the born families. The kalym was supposed to include a certain amount of livestock, money, clothing items - gifts for future father-in-law and mother-in-law. Rich families gave a large dowry: horses, cows, sheep, poultry, bedding, curtains, felt mats and rugs, clothes. In addition, the girl prepared gifts for the groom and his relatives. The cost of the dowry was to be equal to the bride price. After an agreement, mutual visits to close relatives began, the so-called matchmaking feasts, in which many men and women of the village participated. In the east of Bashkiria, only men took part in them.

After paying most of the kalym, a marriage ceremony was appointed. On the appointed day, the father, mother and relatives of the bride came to the groom's village. The guests were received by the father and his close relatives. Feast ( ischan kabul, kalin) lasted several days. religious rite nikah was performed in the bride's house, where all relatives and guests gathered. The mullah read a prayer and declared the boy and girl husband and wife. The act of marriage ended with a treat. From that time on, the man received the right to visit the girl.

wedding (tui) celebrated after the full payment of bride price in the house of the girl's parents. On the appointed day, relatives and neighbors of the bride gathered, the groom came accompanied by relatives. The wedding lasted three days. On the first day, the bride's parents arranged a treat. On the second day, the groom's relatives treated him. In wrestling competitions, horse races, all kinds of games, the broad masses of the population took part, who flocked to the wedding from the nearest villages.

On the third day of the festival, the young woman left her parents' house. Her departure was accompanied by the performance of ritual songs and traditional lamentations. (setslau,). The young woman, dressed in a wedding dress, the main accessory of which was a large veil hiding the figure, accompanied by her friends, went around the houses of her relatives, leaving each of them a gift. This gift, given only for the sake of custom, sometimes in itself was of no value. So, along with scarves and towels, the young woman gave some relatives small pieces of cloth or a few woolen threads. She was given away with cattle, poultry, money. Then the young woman said goodbye to her parents. Her friends, older brother or maternal uncle, having seated her on a cart, “escorted her to the outskirts of the village. At the head of the wedding train, her husband’s relatives rode. father-in-law and mother-in-law, then gave gifts to all those present.The ceremony of introducing the husband's family ended the next day, when the young woman went for water to a local source.The way was shown to her by her niece or her husband's younger sister.Before drawing water, the woman threw a silver coin into the stream For a long time, until the birth of one or two children, the daughter-in-law was obliged to avoid her mother-in-law and especially her father-in-law, not to show her face to them, she could not talk to them.

In addition to marriage by matchmaking, there were, though rarely, cases of kidnapping of girls. Sometimes a girl was kidnapped, especially in poor families, with the consent of her parents, who sought in this way to avoid wedding expenses.

Of all the family rituals of the Bashkirs, only those that were associated with marriage were furnished with a magnificent ceremony. The birth of a child was celebrated much more modestly. The funeral was also neither particularly solemn nor crowded.

At the time of childbirth, all family members left the hut. Only the invited midwife remained with the woman in labor. During difficult childbirth, the woman was forced to walk or, having tightly tied her stomach, slightly turned from side to side. Magical actions were also often performed: in order to scare away the evil spirit, they shot from a gun, dragged a woman through a dried, stretched wolf's lip, and scratched along her back with a mink foot. After a successful birth, relatives and neighbors visited the mother and the baby for several days. Three days later, the child's father held a naming party. Guests gathered, the mullah and the muezzin came. After reading the prayer, the mullah uttered the name chosen by the father three times over the child's ear. This was followed by a treat with the obligatory drinking of koumiss and tea.

The funeral rite was closely associated with the dominant religion and differed little from the funeral of other Muslim peoples. After washing, the deceased was wrapped in a shroud and taken to the cemetery on a popular stretcher. Only men took part in the funeral procession. The body of the deceased was laid on his back in a niche dug in the southern wall of the grave, with his head to the east, his face turned to the south. The niche was covered with bark or planks, and the grave was covered up. A stone slab or a wooden pole was installed on the grave mound. Sometimes they lined the grave with stones. In the northern and central forest regions, houses were built over the grave from thin logs, or rather roofs on a squat base. On the 3rd, 7th and 40th day, a commemoration was held, to which only close relatives were invited; the audience was treated to thin cakes ( yeime) and bishbarmak.

A significant place among the Bashkirs was occupied by magic spells used in everyday life, agricultural activities, family life, etc. By the beginning of the 20th century. Of all types of magic, healing magic has been preserved more than others. The disease in the ideas of the Bashkirs was associated with the introduction of an evil spirit into a person (or animal). Therefore, the goal of any treatment was his expulsion. For preventive purposes, and sometimes for healing, various amulets, amulets were worn. (beteu). These were either sayings from the Koran sewn into pieces of leather or birch bark, or, as already mentioned, the bones and teeth of some animals. Cowrie shells sewn onto a headdress, coins, goose down were considered a remedy for the evil eye. Sometimes the disease was "expelled" by a kind of witchcraft cunning. The sick person went to the place where, in his opinion, he was overtaken by the disease, and, in order to distract the evil spirit, threw some of his clothes on the ground or put a bowl of porridge. After that, he hurried to escape to the village by another road and hide, "so that the returning disease could not find him." The Bashkirs also used imitative magic, "relocating" the disease from a person to a rag doll. In some cases, in order to "extract" the disease from the patient's body, experts were invited to drive the disease. (ku, re? d); Quite often, as a cleansing agent in epidemics and epizootics, fire was used, obtained by rubbing against a tree.

Healing magic was usually based on tried and tested folk remedies. The Bashkirs knew the healing properties of herbs and skillfully used them. For example, with a fever, the patient was given an infusion of aspen bark or a decoction of wormwood. Poultices from brewed aspen leaves were applied to the tumors. A decoction of thyme, oregano served as a diaphoretic. The use of medicines in most cases was supplemented by magical techniques. So, a person with scurvy had to eat winter greens for several days, going for it early at dawn and crawling from home to the field.

Pre-Islamic beliefs and magic spells were closely intertwined with Muslim ideology. Very often, a local mullah acted as a “healer”. Together with sayings from the Koran and whispering, he performed various magical actions. In many cases, the mullah organized sacrifices (on the occasion of a drought, during the loss of livestock, etc.), which retained to a large extent a pagan coloring.

Thus, a few decades ago, the family life of the Bashkirs retained many patriarchal features, closely intertwined with Islamic and pre-Islamic religious ideas.

The major transformations that took place in the life of the oppressed peoples after the October Revolution caused fundamental changes not only in social, but also in family relations of the Bashkirs. Modern Bashkir women, on an equal footing with men, actively participate in public life and production, work on collective and state farm fields, in factories and factories, in the oil fields. Many women successfully lead brigades, farms, collective farms, head industrial enterprises, workshops and departments. Women's earnings often make up a significant part of the family budget. Illiterate in the past, Bashkir women widely enjoy the right to education. Many of them, after graduating from school, continue their studies in specialized secondary and higher educational institutions. Among specialists with higher education - engineers, doctors, teachers, agronomists - there are many Bashkirs.

The involvement of women in industrial and social life has significantly changed relationships in the family. Family relations in a modern Bashkir family are built on complete equality, mutual love and respect. All adult family members take an active part in solving economic and other matters; questions of marriage, marriage are often solved by young people on their own.

The marriageable age of young people has changed. In order to protect health, in the very first years after the revolution, a law was issued prohibiting marriage before reaching the age of majority. Gradually, the law turned into a life norm. Now young people very rarely get married or get married before the age of 18. When concluding marriages, considerations of material gain disappeared; the decisive factor was the mutual attraction of young people. Exogamous prohibitions currently apply only to a narrow circle of relatives. Marriages within the village are common. In the process of the disappearance of religious and national prejudices, the number of mixed marriages is increasing: Bashkir youth are increasingly entering into marriage relations with Russians, Ukrainians, Tatars, Kazakhs, Chuvashs.

Significantly simplified in the Bashkir villages traditional wedding rituals. The custom of paying kalym disappeared; very rarely the rite of nikah is performed; the duration of the wedding ritual was reduced, which in the past stretched until the final payment of the bride price; reduced the number of ceremonies preceding the wedding. The entire wedding celebration lasts for several days, while they mainly adhere to the customs that were characteristic in the past for the main wedding celebration - thuja: treating relatives and guests, dancing and playing, exchanging gifts between the relatives of the bride and groom, and, finally, seeing off the girl with the performance of some traditional customs (such as, for example, going around the young woman before leaving all the relatives and presenting them, singing farewell songs, etc.).

In recent years, Komsomol weddings have often been held at industrial enterprises and collective farms ( kytsyl tui). Comrades at work take an active part in their organization. Guests of honor at Komsomol weddings are representatives of the local party organization and the Soviet public. At such weddings, competitions of wrestlers, runners, horse races, games, and dances are traditionally organized. The wedding turns into a celebration of the whole team. An important place, along with the performance of the traditional ritual, is occupied by civil registration of marriage in the city registry office or in the village council, sometimes very solemnly furnished.

In the cities of Bashkiria, even the appearance of many traditional wedding rites has not been preserved. Young people strive to formalize marriage in the solemn atmosphere of wedding palaces opened in large cities of the republic. Not only relatives are invited to the wedding, but comrades and friends at work, people of various nationalities. At these weddings, some traditional ceremonies are sometimes performed in a playful way, the original meaning of which the youth usually does not know.

There have been changes in other family rituals. After giving birth, the young mother and the newborn are visited by relatives and friends, they are given gifts. The birth of a child is a family holiday, to which relatives and friends are invited.

The radical transformations that took place during the years of Soviet power in the field of health care largely ousted healing magic and quackery from the family life of the Bashkirs. Hospitals and pharmacies are now available in all cities, district centers, and in many villages and workers' settlements. Medical centers are organized in small villages. Trachoma and tuberculosis ceased to be a mass disease. The number of doctors has increased significantly. Now there is one doctor for about a thousand people, whereas before the revolution in areas with a Bashkir population, one medical worker served up to 70 thousand inhabitants.

Not only Bashkir youth seek medical help, but also people of the older generation. Elderly Bashkirs, who used to invite healers when they fell ill or, at best, were treated with traditional medicine, now go to an outpatient clinic, use various medications, and agree to complex surgical operations.

Mothers and children are surrounded by great care. Women's clinics, maternity hospitals (or departments at hospitals), and obstetric centers are open in the republic. If a woman gives birth at home, she is assisted by a nurse midwife. As a result, the death rate of children at birth is close to zero. Doctors and nurses of children's clinics or local medical centers help Bashkir mothers raise their children properly. Women working in factories and collective farms usually use the services of children's institutions. In many villages, seasonal or permanent nurseries and kindergartens have been set up at the expense of the collective farm. In the summer, many children relax in pioneer camps and children's health resorts.

The creation of local cadres of doctors helped to carry out measures to organize health care. In 1914, among the doctors of the Ufa province. there were only two Bashkirs. Now the medical schools of the republic, the Bashkir Medical Institute annually graduate hundreds of doctors and medical workers, among whom there are many Bashkirs. Many Bashkir doctors have been awarded the honorary title of Honored Doctor of the RSFSR or the Bashkir ASSR. These are well-known in the republic professor A. G. Kadyrov, doctor G. Kh. Kudoyarov and others.

If in the northwestern agricultural regions most villages arose even before joining the Russian state, then in southern and eastern Bashkiria, where nomadic, then semi-nomadic cattle breeding dominated, settled settlements appeared only 200-300 years ago. They settled in tribal groups of 25-30 households. From the 20s of the nineteenth century. the administration began redevelopment of the Bashkir auls according to the type of Russian villages.

All Bashkirs have houses, live in villages, use certain plots of land on which they are engaged in arable farming or other trades and crafts, and in this respect they differ from peasants or other settled foreigners only in the degree of their well-being. One thing that could give rise to assigning the name of a semi-nomadic tribe to the Bashkirs is the custom, with the onset of spring, to move to the so-called koshi, that is, to felt wagons, which they set up in the form of a camp in their fields or.

In treeless places, these summer rooms are made of wooden lattices 2 arshins high, covered with felt around, and others are placed on them with a vault, putting them at the top in a wooden circle, which is not closed with a felt mat, but forms a hole that serves as a pipe for smoke from a hearth dug cat in the middle. However, such a felt tent is only the property of the rich, while people of average condition live in alasyks (a kind of popular hut) or in simple huts made of twigs and covered with felt mats. In places abounding in forests, summer quarters consist of wooden huts or birch bark tents, which always remain in the same place.

The villages of the Bashkirs in terms of external architecture are no different from Russian or Tatar villages. The type of the hut is the same, as well as the layout of the streets, but for all that, an experienced eye will distinguish the village from the Russian one at the first glance, even if you do not take into account the mosque. At the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. among the Bashkirs one could find a wide variety of dwellings, ranging from a felt yurt to log huts, which is explained by the complexity of the ethnic history of the people, the peculiarities of the economy and the variety of natural conditions. The houses of the Bashkirs everywhere bear the imprint of some kind of incompleteness or dilapidation; they do not show that economic comfort and care, as in Russian houses. This, on the one hand, is explained by poverty, poor housekeeping, and, on the other hand, by negligence, lack of housekeeping and that love for one's home, with which the Russian peasant decorates it.

Modern rural dwellings of the Bashkirs are built from logs, using log cabin equipment, from brick, cinder concrete, concrete blocks. The interior retains traditional features: division into household and guest halves, arrangement of bunks.

As the ancients said, "Everything will return to normal." The way it is. Each nation has the right to its own symbolic sign, a symbol that explains the very essence, inner content, mentality of the people. And the symbol of the Bashkirs was and is - a nomadic yurt.
A yurt is a world-creation and a designation of nature, the one that surrounded the nomads. Yurt is universal. It denoted a home not only among the Bashkirs, but also among all the nomadic peoples of the Great Steppe. And most importantly, this dwelling was so sacred that the nomads of all tribes and peoples, conscious of their unity, developed a single etiquette of human behavior in this dwelling. It is most important.
How can one not sit in a yurt, so as not to offend the sanctity of the house, while paying tribute to hospitality.
Until now, the question of the semantics of the postures of those sitting in the yurt remains little studied, the etiquette norms related to how to sit correctly in the yurt for men and women are more studied. Without going into detail in the study of the entire etiquette complex, let us dwell on some of its significant points.
Nomadic peoples distinguish the following types of forbidden positions: The Bashkirs have noticed:
“hoyenep utyryrga yaramay, terelep utyryrga yaramay” – “you can’t sit leaning against something, leaning on something”, because it was believed that this is the pose of a sick person. And the trip of a sick person on a long journey was condemned by the Bashkirs, because this spoke of the indifference and heartlessness of relatives who let the sick person go on a difficult journey for him.
“Tayanyp utyryrga yaramay” - “you can’t sit with your hands on the ground” - this is a pose of grief, grief, which means the death of a loved one. The expression "yerge tayandy" means "greatly grieve, mourn." This posture was allowed only to the messenger, reporting the sad news in the presence of relatives.
When guests were in the yurt, there was a certain etiquette in relation to the men of the host. It had sacred meaning. According to the behavior of men, their sitting postures, the sharp eye of a nomad determined the potential of one kind or another. If the men began to prop up their sides or lean against them while sitting, this spoke of the weakness of the family, that there were no defenders in the event of a raid. That is why there is a stable prohibition: “artynha, bilenge tayanma” (do not lean back). If a man sits like this, then this pose means “kos kitken” - “male power is gone”, which was an admission of defeat in the struggle for the future of the clan and tribe. A certain prohibition in the behavior of women. What is considered in the modern world as a sign of militancy and a certain assertive character in women is when women akimbo, which, by the way, was considered an insult to the whole house of the Bashkir, then such a pose was unacceptable in the yurt. It meant that she would have to mourn someone, or it was suggested that guests mourn someone, which was considered not only a humiliation, but a sign of the bad taste of the inhabitants of the owner's yurt. But there is another side. "Buyerenge tayanma" - "do not support your sides with your hands, do not put your hands on your hips." If a woman sits in such a position, she may be told: “Buyerenge tayanyp, kemde yuk itep utyrahyn?” - “Don’t prop your sides with your hands, or are you mourning someone ?!”
It was forbidden to prop up the cheek - forehead - (this pose is also considered to indicate sadness, worries, etc.), which could overshadow the visit of the guest.
You can not sit with your arms raised above your head or laying them behind your head - a pose of disrespect for the guest.
You can’t sit with your knee hugging or with your hands clasped in a lock on your knee - it was also considered disrespect for the one who came.
You can’t stretch in the yurt in front of strangers, it was considered an insult to those in the yurt. It was generally forbidden for young people to lie down in a yurt and eat reclining - because a guest, seeing this, might think that he was in front of a sick person, because only a sick person was not able to sit upright, and such a position could diminish the prestige of the house, clan, tribe .
You can’t sit with your legs stretched forward - they say “et ayagyn huzgan”, which literally means “the dog lies on outstretched paws”. This pose was allowed only for small children.
It is not recommended to squat in a yurt. This posture is considered exclusively masculine; among nomads, it means that a person is in a hurry, he came for a short time. Usually they say to a person sitting in such a position: “Sit down right! Are you in a hurry? Will your flock scatter or what? Perhaps the roots of such an attitude of the Bashkirs to this position are explained by the idea, also noted among the Tuvans, that “if you sit in this way (squatting), you will become poorer. So sat only the poor, wanderers who had no family, no livestock, no property. They believed that if you sit like that, you will meet something bad, that you need to wait for something bad. Such poses of the inhabitants spoke to the guest about poverty or about certain difficulties of the host, which did not contribute to the prestige of the family.
The Bashkirs believe that the correct way to sit in a yurt for a man is to tuck his legs into a ball. For a married woman, a housewife - facing the hearth, on her right leg bent under herself, while the left one is bent at the knee. The same method is also used by men when they treat them at a meal (they pour koumiss, tea, etc.), but since they are sitting on the opposite, male half, the position of the leg bent under itself and bent at the knee is back to the female. Apparently, this is explained by a prescription similar to the rule among nomads: “The knee of the raised leg ... must necessarily be turned to the door”, therefore, women, as a rule, sat on their right leg and put their left knee in front of them, and men, on the contrary, on their left leg, exposing right knee in front of you. Women were also allowed to sit sideways, pulling their legs up to themselves, while the feet should be covered by the hem of the dress.
Folk tradition has developed rather strict etiquette rules associated with the yurt. Among the Bashkirs, the rider should have approached the yurt from the rear, back side: “It was considered impolite to drive past the doors of the yurt (aldynan yuru), and not behind it ... You need to stop and tie the horse behind the yurt, and then call the owners with the words:“ Eden bar ma ? Hey, bad!" ("Are there any hosts?"). And patiently wait for their release. At the same time, other inhabitants of the camp, having greeted each other, can go about their business. Naturally, interest in someone else is present. It is curious that all nomadic peoples have a single ban on a woman, among the Bashkirs it sounds like this “ir-at aldynan utmeyu” - literally it means “do not cross the path of a man standing in front of a yurt”, otherwise there will be failure. Apparently, this prohibition is connected with the semantics of the opposition "front side - back side" ("face-back").
The ban on approaching the yurt from the side of the door was so significant that it was enshrined in common law for all nomads: “If a horse tied in front of the yurt kicks a child, then paying for the death of a child is a full kuna. If the horse kicked at the back of the yurt, then the blame would fall on the child who went there. If a horse had killed him to death there, then only the cost of the horse would have been recovered, and in case of circumstances aggravating the owner’s guilt, ½ kuna (khun, or kun - compensation for injury or murder).”
The nomads, in particular the Bashkirs, were advised not to enter the yurt with a whip in their hand; in the old days “... if someone entered the yurt of a tarkhan, biy, with a whip on his wrist… the tarkhan or biy had the right to order to take away his horse from the guilty one. The prohibition to enter the yurt with a whip was noted among the Kazakhs, Tuvans and Mongols. It should be noted that the whip was used not only for riding, it was also the subject of the nomad's weapons. The prohibition to bring it into the yurt is on a par with the order to remove the sheath with a knife from the belt and leave firearms outside. These actions were supposed to demonstrate the absence of hostile intentions of the guest. You cannot enter the yurt with something in your mouth. If the owner notices that someone has entered him with a chewing mouth, he will certainly make him spit out everything that is in his mouth at the threshold. This was considered an insult to the host's hospitality. The one who entered the yurt must definitely taste the food in it - tamaқ auyz iteu, literally “touch the food with your mouth”, at least the guest of the yurt had to taste a crumb of bread, otherwise the owner would be offended, and such an insult sometimes led to serious enmity.
Thus, the yurt, being one of the ancient forms of nomad dwelling, embodies a complex ideological complex. A relatively small area of ​​the yurt was clearly marked depending on gender, age, position in the kinship system and properties. A person's life began in the right part of the yurt, and ended in it, his life circle closed.
The main semantic purpose of the yurt was to ensure the health, fertility, and well-being of its inhabitants. Each yurt had its own purpose, called the Bashkir word "kot" - the keeper of the well-being of the house, and everyone entering the yurt uttered solemn words of greeting addressed to "kot", and leaving the yurt, he took with him parting words: "Yulygyz boiler bulhyn!"
I have always envied those who, being in the yurt and leaving it, admired the starry night, were fascinated by the feeling of unity with nature, felt the breath of a warm breeze on their cheek and, looking into the bottomless depths of the night, was amazed at the harmony of the world.
Good luck to all of you who have visited the Bashkir yurt!