Social movement in Russia in the second half of the 19th century. Social and political movement in Russia in the first half of the 19th century Social movements of the late 19th century briefly

The 19th century in Russia is remarkable because in a hundred years public thought has gone from a complete understanding of the divinity and infallibility of royal power to an equally complete understanding of the need for fundamental changes in the state structure. From the first small groups of conspirators who were not entirely clear about their goals and ways to achieve them (Decembrists), to the creation of massive, well-organized parties with specific tasks and plans for achieving them (RSDLP). How did this happen?

Prerequisites

By the beginning of the 19th century, the main irritant of public thought was serfdom. It became clear to progressive-minded people of that time, starting with the landowners themselves and ending with members of the royal family, that serfdom urgently needed to be abolished. Of course, the majority of landowners did not want to change the existing state of affairs. A new socio-political movement has emerged in Russia - the movement for the abolition of serfdom.

Thus, the basis for the organizational design of conservatism and liberalism began to appear. Liberals advocated changes that were to be initiated by the government. Conservatives sought to maintain the status quo. Against the backdrop of the struggle between these two directions, a certain part of society began to have thoughts about the revolutionary reorganization of Russia.

Social and political movements in Russia began to manifest themselves more actively after the Russian army marched into Europe. Comparison of European realities with life at home was clearly not in favor of Russia. The first to act were revolutionary-minded officers who returned from Paris.

Decembrists

Already in 1816 in St. Petersburg, these officers formed the first socio-political movement. It was the “Union of Salvation” of 30 people. They clearly saw the goal (the elimination of serfdom and the introduction of a constitutional monarchy) and had no idea how this could be achieved. The consequence of this was the collapse of the “Union of Salvation” and the creation in 1818 of a new “Union of Welfare”, which already included 200 people.

But due to different views on the future fate of the autocracy, this union lasted only three years and dissolved itself in January 1821. Its former members organized two societies in 1821-1822: “Southern” in Little Russia and “Northern” in St. Petersburg. It was their joint performance on Senate Square on December 14, 1825 that later became known as the Decembrist uprising.

Finding ways

The next 10 years in Russia were marked by the harsh reactionism of the regime of Nicholas I, which sought to suppress all dissent. There was no talk of creating any serious movements or unions. Everything remained at the circle level. Groups of like-minded people gathered around the publishers of magazines, the capital’s salons, at universities, among officers and officials, discussing a common sore point for everyone: “What to do?” But the circles were also persecuted quite harshly, which led to the extinction of their activities already in 1835.

Nevertheless, during this period, three main socio-political movements were quite clearly defined in their relation to the existing regime in Russia. These are conservatives, liberals and revolutionaries. The liberals, in turn, were divided into Slavophiles and Westerners. The latter believed that Russia needed to catch up with Europe in its development. Slavophiles, on the contrary, idealized pre-Petrine Rus' and called for a return to the state structure of those times.

Abolition of serfdom

By the 1940s, hopes for reform from the authorities began to fade. This caused the activation of revolutionary-minded sections of society. The ideas of socialism began to penetrate into Russia from Europe. But the followers of these ideas were arrested, tried and sent into exile and hard labor. By the mid-50s, there was no one to take any active action, or simply talk about the reorganization of Russia. The most active public figures lived in exile or served hard labor. Those who managed to emigrate to Europe.

But socio-political movements in Russia in the first half of the 19th century still played their role. Alexander II, who ascended the throne in 1856, spoke from the first days about the need to abolish serfdom, took concrete steps to formalize it legally, and in 1861 signed the historical Manifesto.

Activation of revolutionaries

However, the half-heartedness of the reforms, which did not meet the expectations of not only the peasants, but also the Russian public in general, caused a new surge of revolutionary sentiments. Proclamations from various authors began to circulate in the country, of a very diverse nature: from moderate appeals to the authorities and society about the need for deeper reforms, to calls for the overthrow of the monarchy and revolutionary dictatorship.

The second half of the 19th century in Russia was marked by the formation of revolutionary organizations that not only had goals, but also developed plans for their implementation, although not always realistic. The first such organization was the “Land and Freedom” union in 1861. The organization planned to implement its reforms with the help of a peasant uprising. But when it became clear that there would be no revolution, Land and Freedom dissolved itself at the beginning of 1864.

In the 70-80s, the so-called populism developed. Representatives of Russia's nascent intelligentsia believed that in order to accelerate change, it was necessary to appeal directly to the people. But there was no unity among them either. Some believed that it was necessary to limit ourselves to educating the people and explaining the need for change and only then talk about revolution. Others called for the abolition of the centralized state and the anarchic federalization of peasant communities as the basis of the country's social order. Still others planned the seizure of power by a well-organized party through a conspiracy. But the peasants did not follow them, and the riot did not happen.

Then, in 1876, the populists created the first truly large, well-covered revolutionary organization called “Land and Freedom”. But here, too, internal disagreements led to a split. Supporters of terrorism organized the “People's Will”, and those who hoped to achieve changes through propaganda gathered in the “Black Redistribution”. But these socio-political movements achieved nothing.

In 1881, the Narodnaya Volya killed Alexander II. However, the revolutionary explosion they expected did not happen. Neither the peasants nor the workers rebelled. Moreover, most of the conspirators were arrested and executed. And after the assassination attempt on Alexander III in 1887, Narodnaya Volya was completely defeated.

Most active

During these years, the penetration of Marxist ideas into Russia began. In 1883, the organization “Emancipation of Labor” was formed in Switzerland under the leadership of G. Plekhanov, who substantiated the inability of the peasantry to change through revolution and placed hope in the working class. Basically, the socio-political movements of the 19th century by the end of the century in Russia were strongly influenced by the ideas of Marx. Propaganda was carried out among the workers, they were called upon to strike and go on strike. In 1895, V. Lenin and Yu. Martov organized the “Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class,” which became the basis for the further development of various social democratic trends in Russia.

The liberal opposition, meanwhile, continued to advocate for the peaceful implementation of reforms “from above,” trying to prevent a revolutionary solution to the problems facing Russian society. Thus, the active role of socio-political movements of a Marxist orientation had a decisive influence on the fate of Russia in the 20th century.

5.7. Socio-political movements in Russia in the second half of the 19th century: directions, character, features.

In the socio-political movement of post-reform Russia, three directions can be distinguished:

Conservative, whose representatives opposed any changes and negatively assessed the reforms of the 60s and 70s. XIX century, advocated their revision;

Liberal-opposition, whose supporters fully supported the reform path, sought further political changes;

Radical revolutionary, whose representatives acted deep underground and tried, as a rule, to change the socio-political system of the country by force on the basis of the doctrine of socialism.

Russian conservatism united mainly the highest layer of the service bureaucracy and the tsar's entourage, a significant part of the nobility and clergy, and army generals. Conservatives had state power in their hands, so many of their ideas were embodied in government policies. By the beginning of the 20th century. there was a transformation of the conservative movement into a government camp. The most prominent ideologists and promoters of conservatism in Russia were the famous statesman and lawyer K.P. Pobedonostsev; publicist, who in his youth was associated with the liberal movement, M.N. Katkov; Adjutant General, Minister of the Imperial Court and Appanages I.I. Vorontsov-Dashkov; count, diplomat, infantry general N.P. Ignatiev and others. The ideal of conservatives was a “living people's autocracy” in the spirit of pre-Petrine times. Some even proposed moving the capital from St. Petersburg, corrupted by liberal ideas, back to Moscow.

The essence of Russian conservatism was manifested in the persecution of the largest Russian writers L.N. Tolstoy, N.S. Leskova, F.M. Dostoevsky, philosopher V.S. Solovyova. These people were not opponents of the regime, but conservatives were intolerable to their free thought and wide popularity. Supporters of this movement propagated their views through the church, the press and schools, not secular, but parochial. In economic views, conservatives were opponents of free trade. They insisted on strengthening state control over private entrepreneurs and the development of those industries in which the government was interested. On the agrarian issue, they defended measures to protect landownership, strengthen the economic position of the nobles by providing the government with various benefits, preserve the semi-serfdom of the peasantry and strengthen the communal structure of the village. The reactionary policies of the conservatives interrupted the path of reform and became one of the reasons that accelerated the revolutionary explosion.

The liberal opposition movement opposed conservatism and aimed to gradually change the autocratic bureaucratic regime and transform Russia into a rule of law state based on the principles of political freedom and equality of citizens. The focus of liberal political movements was the person with his individual characteristics and needs, the emancipation of the individual, freedom of conscience, economic and political activity. As a rule, liberals opposed revolutionary methods of fighting for their interests, defended the legal and evolutionary path of change, compromise in politics, respect and tolerance for other views and ideas.

In Russia in the second half of the 19th century. there was no liberal opposition party. Circles of liberal-minded intelligentsia were grouped around zemstvos, many of which gradually turned into local self-government bodies - grassroots cells of the future democratic structure of the country, as well as around periodicals that were popular at that time: the magazines "Bulletin of Europe" (M.M. Kovalevsky) and "Domestic notes" (M.M. Stasyulevich), newspapers "Russian Vedomosti" (A.A. Kraevsky). Liberal movements were not united in their ideological positions; heated discussions took place between individual groups. But in general, they were united by hostility to unlimited autocracy and despotism, bureaucracy and bureaucratic arbitrariness. They sought to introduce bourgeois freedoms in Russia, expand local self-government, involve the public in resolving issues of a national plan, etc.

Liberals sought to influence the government and convince Emperor Alexander II of the need to continue reforms to stop the terror. At the same time, they tried to get the revolutionaries to at least temporarily stop the terror in order to give the government the opportunity to begin reforms. However, neither the government nor the radicals made concessions, which ultimately led to the assassination of the Tsar on March 1, 1881. This event finally separated the liberal and revolutionary trends of the Russian social movement of the second half of the 19th century on opposite sides of the barricades.

The revolutionary movement in historical literature is usually called populism, which in a broad sense is understood as a social movement based on the ideas of A.I. Herzen, N.G. Chernyshevsky and their like-minded people about the original path of Russia’s movement towards a more just social system, faith in the vitality of the communal structure of the Russian village, sharp criticism of the peasant reform, its economic and social consequences. Unlike the liberals, the populists brought social problems to the fore and allowed a revolutionary way to solve them. In a narrower interpretation, these are revolutionary underground groups and organizations of the 60s and 70s. XIX century The direct ideologists and inspirers of revolutionary populism were M.A. Bakunin, P.L. Lavrov and P.N. Tkachev (Table 3).

The teachings of the ideologists of populism inspired and united the revolutionaries of the 70s and 80s. in their desire for a revolutionary overthrow of the existing system and for a just social reorganization of society, relying on the communal traditions of the Russian peasantry. Disagreements arose over questions of methods and means of putting revolutionary ideas into practice. Revolutionary populism went through several stages in its development.

Table 3 – Ideological currents in populism

The program of the revolutionary populist organization "People's Will" contained demands for democratic reforms, the convocation Constituent Assembly , the introduction of universal suffrage, freedom of speech, press, conscience, replacing the army with a militia, transferring land to peasants. It was headed by the Executive Committee (A.D. Mikhailov, N.A. Morozov, A.I. Zhelyabov, A.A. Kvyatkovsky, S.L. Perovskaya, V.N. Figner, M.F. Frolenko, L. A. Tikhomirov, M. N. Oshanina, A. V. Yakimova, etc.), to whom many peripheral circles and groups were subordinate. In "Narodnaya Volya" there were different organization– a disciplined community of revolutionaries, subject to the program and regulations (about 500 people), and the consignment– a circle of like-minded people who are not bound by obligations to the organization (up to 2 thousand people). The democratic program of the Narodnaya Volya brought them closer to the liberals. But liberals were supporters of legal methods of struggle and gradual changes. The main form of practical activity of the Narodnaya Volya members was terror against the Tsar and the highest government dignitaries. Terrorist activities agitated the public and created a climate of nervousness in government circles. As a tactic of revolutionary struggle, the Narodnaya Volya terror did not justify itself. Terror did not bring any changes in the position of the masses; it is also impossible to justify this method as government repression. The actions of the revolutionaries aggravated the methods of fighting them. The murders of high dignitaries and the tsar himself did not weaken, but strengthened the autocratic regime.

The St. Petersburg revolutionary organization “Black Redistribution” (leaders G.V. Plekhanov, P.B. Axelrod, M.R. Popov, L.G. Deich, V.I. Zasulich, etc.) denied the need for political struggle and did not accept tactics of “Narodnaya Volya” and believed that only the people could bring about a revolution. In 1880, activists of the Socialist Federalist Party emigrated to Switzerland, and in 1883, in Geneva, G.V. Plekhanov created a Marxist group "Liberation of Labor", recognizing the leading role in the socialist revolution for the working class, and not for the peasantry. The founders of the new social movement unconditionally accepted the teachings Marxism. Russian Marxism arose in a country where an authoritarian-autocratic political regime dominated and there were no basic political freedoms. The arbitrariness of employers in relation to workers was not limited in any way; the overwhelming majority of the country's population - the peasantry - lived under the conditions of old patriarchal relations and led a semi-subsistence economy. G.V. Plekhanov and his supporters adapted Marxism to the specific historical conditions of Russia; in their views they were closer to the radical revolutionary wing of European social democracy. Based on the theory of Marxism, they concluded that Russia is developing along the same path of economic and social progress that Western Europe has already achieved. Since the future belongs to the working class, the task of revolutionaries is to prepare the weak and small Russian proletariat for future political battles, to increase its organization and consciousness. Therefore, special attention was paid to the development of theory, propaganda and education. Members of the “Emancipation of Labor” group set the task of creating a Marxist party in Russia, similar to Western European social democratic ones, and prepared the first drafts of the party program. Russian Marxists believed that the revolution in the country would take place in two stages: the overthrow of the autocracy and the democratic reorganization of Russia, and then the overthrow of the power of the bourgeoisie and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The seeds planted by the Liberation of Labor group bore good fruit: in the late 80s and early 90s. XIX century Marxist groups and organizations arose in a number of Russian cities (circles of D. Blagoev, N.E. Fedoseev, M.I. Brusnev, P.V. Tochisky, etc.). People of different views were drawn to Marxism. Some tried to take control of the spontaneous movement of workers, to entice them to the path of struggle for the ideas of the Communist Manifesto, while others went to the workers to help them defend their everyday interests. Famous philosophers and economists N.A. Berdyaev, S.N. Bulgakov, M.I. Tugan-Baranovsky, P.B. Struve and others experienced a period of fascination with Marxism. Marxism attracted them with the breadth of their theoretical horizons, the logic and scientific validity of their theoretical views. In this doctrine of the universal laws of historical development and the progressiveness of capitalism, they saw the path to the Europeanization of Russia and the liberalization of its political system.

Brief conclusions on the topic.

History of Russia in the 19th century. is divided into two large periods: before and after the abolition of serfdom. The first half of the century was accompanied by a crisis of the feudal-serf system, which led to the need for serious changes in the internal policy of the autocracy, the implementation of which ultimately brought the country to the brink of revolution. The industrial revolution in Russia had a number of irreversible socio-economic consequences: the number of cities increased, the urban population grew, the class organization of society collapsed, and new classes emerged - the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The various intelligentsia took an active political position, the labor movement began to develop, and the first political party of the proletariat, the RSDLP, appeared. Gradually, an understanding of the need to fight for political rights and freedoms began to form in Russian society. Already at the end of the 19th century. The center of the world workers' revolutionary movement moved to Russia. By this time, the country had gone through two full turns from the approval of bourgeois reforms to the tightening of government policies and counter-reforms. One revolution was made by Alexander I and Nicholas I, and the second by Alexander II and Alexander III. This was enough to shake the foundations of autocratic power and facilitate the victory of the revolution.

The key figure of the century was Emperor Alexander II, who most consistently attempted to modernize Russia. However, the scale of the reforms he carried out in the conditions of contrasting Russian reality inevitably led to serious miscalculations and failures. Reforms of the 60s - 70s. XIX century cleared the way for the country's development along the capitalist path, but in general the restructuring of life led to a socio-political effect that was unexpected for the authorities. Instead of reconciliation and cooperation, the government and society entered into a state of confrontation and open war, the first victim of which was Alexander II the Liberator himself. This was the result of the democratization of the country according to the European model. Therefore, his successors - Alexander III and Nicholas II - for the purpose of self-preservation, were forced to take a course towards preserving and strengthening the autocracy and increasing noble privileges, carrying it out even in those conditions when this doomed the monarchy to destruction.

Self-test tasks

Control questions

Do you agree with the statement of A.S. Pushkin: “The Alexandrov days are a wonderful beginning”?

What were the reformist plans of M.M. Speransky and how did his endeavors end?

What were the causes of the Patriotic War in 1812?

What are the ideological origins of Decembrism? Was their performance doomed to fail?

Is it possible to talk about the conservative reformism of Nicholas I?

What was the essence of public disputes among the educated part of society during this period?

What were the bourgeois and feudal features of the reform of 1861?

Can we call the reforms of the 1860s - 1870s. liberal? What is the main content of each of them?

How can we explain the terrorist nature of the populist movement in the second half of the 19th century?

What are counter-reforms and how did they manifest themselves in the 80s and 90s? XIX century?

What was the modernization of the Russian economy?

Test

1. The highest court in Russia in the 19th century:

b) Justice Collegium;

c) Ministry of Justice;

2. Liberal reforms at the beginning of the reign of Alexander I were being prepared:

a) Secret committee;

b) the State Council;

c) His Imperial Majesty's Own Office;

3. N. Muravyov’s Constitution stipulated:

a) the introduction of a parliamentary republic in Russia;

b) the introduction of a constitutional monarchy in Russia;

c) approval of a new ruling dynasty;

4. Slavophilism is:

a) religious movement;

b) the idea of ​​​​the superiority of the Slavic race;

c) the theory of a special path of development of Russia;

5. During the reign of Nicholas I:

a) the importance of the State Council has increased;

b) the importance of the power of the emperor and his Chancellery increased;

c) the role of the Senate has increased;

6. According to the reform of 1861, peasants received land:

a) in property;

b) for possession and use;

c) the right to lease land from landowners;

7. According to the reform of 1864, the following local government bodies were established:

a) councils of village elders;

b) land committees;

c) zemstvo councils;

8. Military reform of 1874:

a) expanded recruitment;

b) maintained a 25-year service life;

c) introduced universal conscription;

9. “Walking among the people” in 1874 ended:

a) a complete failure;

b) mass unrest among peasants;

c) the creation of revolutionary peasant organizations;

10. After the judicial reform of 1864, the following prevailed among the jurors:

a) nobles;

b) townspeople;

c) peasants;

11. The theorist of the conspiratorial trend in populism was:

a) M. Bakunin;

b) P. Tkachev;

c) P. Lavrov;

12. After the reform of 1861, the peasants began to be controlled by:

a) a government official appointed by the Senate;

b) representative of the zemstvo;

c) peace led by the headman;

13. Temporary rules on the press of 1882:

a) censorship control was abolished;

b) softened the government’s censorship policy;

c) established strict administrative control over the press;

14. Revolutionary group G.V. Plekhanov's "Emancipation of Labor" was founded:

a) in Moscow;

b) in Paris;

c) in Geneva;

15. Under Alexander III in the field of public education:

a) the autonomy of universities was abolished;

b) state subsidies for higher education were increased;

c) special universities for women were created;

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History of Russia from ancient times to the present day: textbook / ed. A.N. Sakharov. – M.: Prospekt, 2011. – 768 p.

Russian history. Russia in world civilization: a course of lectures / ed. A.A. Radugina. – M.: Biblionica, 2007. – 352 p.

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SOCIAL MOVEMENT IN RUSSIA IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY

"Sixties". The rise of the peasant movement in 1861-1862. was the people's response to the injustice of the February 19 reform. This galvanized radicals who hoped for a peasant uprising.

In the 60s, two centers of radical trends emerged. One is around the editorial office of "The Bell", published by A.G. Herzen in London. He propagated his theory of “communal socialism” and sharply criticized the predatory conditions for the liberation of peasants. The second center arose in Russia around the editorial office of the Sovremennik magazine. Its ideologist was N.G. Chernyshevsky, the idol of the common youth of that time. He also criticized the government for the essence of the reform, dreamed of socialism, but, unlike A.I. Herzen, saw the need for Russia to use the experience of the European development model.

Based on the ideas of N.G. Chernyshevsky, several secret organizations were formed: the “Velikorus” circle (1861-1863), “Land and Freedom” (1861-1864). They included N.A. and A.A. Serno-Solovyevichi, G.E. Blagosvetlov, N.I. Utin and others. “Left” radicals set the task of preparing a people’s revolution. To achieve this, the landowners launched active publishing activities in their illegal printing house. In the magazine "Land and Freedom", in the proclamations "Bow to the lordly peasants from their well-wishers", "To the young generation", "Young Russia", "To the soldiers", "What the army needs to do", "Velikorus" they explained to the people the tasks of the upcoming revolution, substantiated the need for the elimination of autocracy and the democratic transformation of Russia, a fair solution to the agrarian question. The landowners considered N.P.’s article their program document. Ogarev “What do the people need?”, published in June 1861 in Kolokol. The article warned the people against premature, unprepared actions and called for the unification of all revolutionary forces.

"Land and Freedom". It was the first major revolutionary democratic organization. It included several hundred members from different social strata: officials, officers, writers, students. The organization was headed by the Russian Central People's Committee. Branches of the society were created in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Tver, Kazan, Nizhny Novgorod, Kharkov and other cities. At the end of 1862, the Russian military revolutionary organization created in the Kingdom of Poland joined “Land and Freedom”.

The first secret organizations did not last long. The decline of the peasant movement, the defeat of the uprising in the Kingdom of Poland (1863), the strengthening of the police regime - all this led to their self-dissolution or defeat. Some members of the organizations (including N.G. Chernyshevsky) were arrested, others emigrated. The government managed to repel the onslaught of radicals in the first half of the 60s. There has been a sharp turn in public opinion against the radicals and their revolutionary aspirations. Many public figures who previously stood on democratic or liberal positions moved to the conservative camp (M.N. Katkov and others).

In the second half of the 60s, secret circles arose again. Their members preserved the ideological legacy of N.G. Chernyshevsky, but, having lost faith in the possibility of a popular revolution in Russia, they switched to narrowly conspiratorial and terrorist tactics. They tried to realize their high moral ideals by immoral means. In 1866, a member of the circle N.A. Ishutina D.V. Karakozov attempted to assassinate Tsar Alexander II.

In 1869, teacher S.G. Nechaev and journalist P.N. Tkachev created an organization in St. Petersburg that called on student youth to prepare an uprising and use any means in the fight against the government. After the defeat of the circle, S.G. Nechaev went abroad for a while, but in the fall of 1869 he returned and founded the “People’s Retribution” organization in Moscow. He was distinguished by extreme political adventurism and demanded blind obedience to his orders from his participants. For refusing to submit to the dictatorship, student I.I. Ivanov was falsely accused of treason and killed. The police destroyed the organization. S.G. Nechaev fled to Switzerland, he was extradited as a criminal. The government used the trial against him to discredit the revolutionaries. “Nechaevism” for some time became a serious lesson for the next generations of revolutionaries, warning them against unlimited centralism.

At the turn of the 60-70s, largely based on the ideas of A.I. Herzen and N.G. Chernyshevsky, populist ideology took shape. It became very popular among democratically minded intellectuals of the last third of the 19th century. There were two trends among the populists: revolutionary and liberal.

Revolutionary populists. The main ideas of the revolutionary populists: capitalism in Russia is imposed “from above” and has no social roots on Russian soil; the future of the country lies in communal socialism; peasants are ready to accept socialist ideas; transformations must be carried out in a revolutionary way. M.A. Bakunin, PL. Lavrov and P.N. Tkachev developed the theoretical foundations of three trends of revolutionary populism - rebellious (anarchist), propaganda and conspiratorial. M.A. Bakunin believed that the Russian peasant was by nature a rebel and ready for revolution. Therefore, the task of the intelligentsia is to go to the people and incite an all-Russian revolt. Viewing the state as an instrument of injustice and oppression, he called for its destruction and the creation of a federation of self-governing free communities.

PL. Lavrov did not consider the people ready for revolution. Therefore, he paid most attention to propaganda with the aim of preparing the peasantry. The peasants had to be “awakened” by “critically thinking individuals” - the leading part of the intelligentsia.

P.N. Tkachev, as well as PL. Lavrov did not consider the peasant ready for revolution. At the same time, he called the Russian people “communists by instinct,” who do not need to be taught socialism. In his opinion, a narrow group of conspirators (professional revolutionaries), having seized state power, would quickly involve the people in a socialist reconstruction.

In 1874, based on the ideas of M.A. Bakunin, more than 1,000 young revolutionaries organized a mass “walk among the people,” hoping to rouse the peasants to revolt. The results were insignificant. The populists were faced with tsarist illusions and the possessive psychology of the peasants. The movement was crushed, the agitators were arrested.

"Land and Freedom" (1876-1879). In 1876, the surviving participants in the “walking among the people” formed a new secret organization, which in 1878 took the name “Land and Freedom.” The program provided for the implementation of a socialist revolution by overthrowing the autocracy, transferring all land to the peasants and introducing “secular self-government” in the countryside and cities. The organization was headed by G.V. Plekhanov, A.D. Mikhailov, S.M. Kravchinsky, N.A. Morozov, V.N. Figner et al.

A second “going to the people” was undertaken - for long-term agitation of the peasants. The landowners also engaged in agitation among workers and soldiers and helped organize several strikes. In 1876, with the participation of "Land and Freedom", the first political demonstration in Russia was held in St. Petersburg on the square in front of the Kazan Cathedral. G.V. spoke to the audience. Plekhanov, who called to fight for land and freedom for peasants and workers. The police dispersed the demonstration, many of its participants were injured. Those arrested were sentenced to hard labor or exile. G.V. Plekhanov managed to escape from the police.

In 1878, some populists again returned to the idea of ​​the need for a terrorist struggle. In 1878, V.I. (Zasulich made an attempt on the life of the St. Petersburg mayor F.F. Trepov and wounded him. However, the mood of society was such that the jury acquitted her, and F.F. Trepov was forced to resign. Among the Land Volunteers Discussions began about methods of struggle. They were prompted to this by both government repression and the thirst for activism. Disputes over tactical and programmatic issues led to a split.

"Black redistribution". In 1879, part of the landowners (G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich, L.G. Deych, P.B. Axelrod) formed the organization “Black Redistribution” (1879-1881). They remained faithful to the basic program principles of “Land and Freedom” and agitation and propaganda methods of activity.

"People's Will". In the same year, another part of the Zemlya Volya members created the organization "People's Will" (1879-1881). It was headed by A.I. Zhelyabov, A.D. Mikhailov, SL. Perovskaya, N.A. Morozov, V.N. Figner and others. They were members of the Executive Committee - the center and main headquarters of the organization.

The Narodnaya Volya program reflected their disappointment in the revolutionary potential of the peasant masses. They believed that the people were suppressed and reduced to a slave state by the tsarist government. Therefore, they considered their main task to be the fight against this government. The program demands of the Narodnaya Volya included: preparation of a political coup and the overthrow of the autocracy; convening the Constituent Assembly and establishing a democratic system in the country; destruction of private property, transfer of land to peasants, factories to workers. (Many of the program positions of the Narodnaya Volya members were adopted at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries by their followers - the Party of Socialist Revolutionaries.)

The Narodnaya Volya carried out a number of terrorist actions against representatives of the tsarist administration, but considered their main goal to be the murder of the tsar. They assumed that this would cause a political crisis in the country and a nationwide uprising. However, in response to the terror, the government intensified repression. Most of the Narodnaya Volya members were arrested. S.L., who remains at large Perovskaya organized the assassination attempt on the Tsar. On March 1, 1881, Alexander II was mortally wounded and died a few hours later.

This act did not live up to the expectations of the populists. It once again confirmed the ineffectiveness of terrorist methods of struggle and led to increased reaction and police brutality in the country. In general, the activities of the People's Will significantly slowed down the evolutionary development of Russia.

Liberal populists. This trend, while sharing the basic theoretical views of the revolutionary populists, differed from them in its rejection of violent methods of struggle. Liberal populists did not play a significant role in the social movement of the 70s. In the 80-90s their influence increased. This was due to the loss of authority of the revolutionary populists in radical circles due to disappointment in the terrorist methods of struggle. Liberal populists expressed the interests of the peasants and demanded the destruction of the remnants of serfdom and the abolition of landownership. They called for reforms to gradually improve the lives of the people. They chose cultural and educational work among the population as the main direction of their activity. For this purpose, they used printed organs (the magazine "Russian Wealth"), zemstvos and various public organizations. The ideologists of the liberal populists were N.K. Mikhailovsky, N.F. Danielson, V.P. Vorontsov.

The first Marxist and workers' organizations. In the 80-90s of the XIX century. radical changes took place in the radical movement. The revolutionary populists lost their role as the main opposition force. Powerful repression fell upon them, from which they could not recover. Many active participants in the movement of the 70s became disillusioned with the revolutionary potential of the peasantry. In this regard, the radical movement split into two opposing and even hostile camps. The first remained committed to the idea of ​​peasant socialism, the second saw in the proletariat the main force of social progress.

Group "Liberation of Labor". Former active participants in the “Black Redistribution” G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich, L.G. Deitch and V.N. Ignatov turned to Marxism. They were attracted to this Western European theory by the idea of ​​achieving socialism through proletarian revolution.

In 1883, the Liberation of Labor group was formed in Geneva. Its program: a complete break with populism and populist ideology; propaganda of socialism; fight against autocracy; support for the working class; creation of a workers' party. They considered the most important condition for social progress in Russia to be a bourgeois-democratic revolution, the driving force of which would be the urban bourgeoisie and the proletariat. They viewed the peasantry as a reactionary force in society. This revealed the narrowness and one-sidedness of their views.

Promoting Marxism in the Russian revolutionary environment, they launched a sharp critique of populist theory. The Liberation of Labor group operated abroad and was not connected with the labor movement emerging in Russia.

In Russia itself in 1883-1892. Several Marxist circles were formed (D.I. Blagoeva, N.E. Fedoseeva, M.I. Brusneva, etc.). They saw their task in the study of Marxism and its propaganda among workers, students and minor employees. However, they too were cut off from the labor movement.

The activities of the "Emancipation of Labor" group abroad and Marxist circles in Russia prepared the ground for the emergence of the Russian Social Democratic Party.

Workers' organizations. The labor movement in the 70-80s developed spontaneously and unorganized. Unlike Western Europe, Russian workers had neither their own political organizations nor trade unions. The “South Russian Workers' Union” (1875) and the “Northern Union of Russian Workers” (1878-1880) failed to lead the struggle of the proletariat and give it a political character. The workers put forward only economic demands - higher wages, shorter working hours, and the abolition of fines. The most significant event was the strike at the Nikolskaya manufactory of manufacturer T.S. Morozov in Orekhovo-Zuevo in 1885 (“Morozov strike”). For the first time, workers demanded government intervention in their relations with factory owners. As a result, a law was issued in 1886 on the procedure for hiring and firing, regulating fines and paying wages. The institution of factory inspectors was introduced, responsible for monitoring the implementation of the law. The law increased criminal liability for participation in strikes.

"Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class." In the 90s of the 9th century. There has been an industrial boom in Russia. This contributed to an increase in the size of the working class and the creation of more favorable conditions for the development of its struggle. Stubborn strikes in St. Petersburg, Moscow, the Urals and other regions of the country acquired a massive character. Textile workers, miners, foundry workers and railway workers went on strike. The strikes were economic and poorly organized.

In 1895 in St. Petersburg, scattered Marxist circles united into a new organization - the "Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Masses." Its creators were V.I. Ulyanov (Lenin), Yu.Yu. Tsederbaum (I. Martov) and others. Similar organizations were created in Moscow, Ekaterinoslav, Ivanovo-Voznesensk and Kyiv. They tried to become the head of the strike movement, published leaflets and sent propagandists to workers' circles to spread Marxism among the proletariat. Under the influence of the "Union of Struggle" strikes began in St. Petersburg among textile workers, metal workers, workers at a stationery factory, sugar and other factories. The strikers demanded to reduce the working day to 10.5 hours, increase prices, and pay wages on time. The persistent struggle of workers in the summer of 1896 and winter of 1897, on the one hand, forced the government to make concessions: a law was passed to reduce the working day to 11.5 hours. On the other hand, it brought down repression on Marxist and workers' organizations, some of whose members were exiled to Siberia.

In the second half of the 1990s, “legal Marxism” began to spread among the remaining social democrats. P.B. Struve, M.I. Tugan-Baranovsky and others, recognizing some of the provisions of Marxism, defended the thesis of the historical inevitability and inviolability of capitalism, criticized the liberal populists, and proved the regularity and progressiveness of the development of capitalism in Russia. They advocated a reformist path to transform the country in a democratic direction.

Under the influence of “legal Marxists,” some of the Social Democrats in Russia switched to the position of “economism.” The “economists” saw the main task of the labor movement in improving working and living conditions. They put forward only economic demands and abandoned political struggle.

In general, among Russian Marxists at the end of the 19th century. there was no unity. Some (led by V.I. Ulyanov-Lenin) advocated the creation of a political party that would lead the workers to implement a socialist revolution and establish the dictatorship of the proletariat (the political power of the workers), while others, denying the revolutionary path of development, proposed limiting themselves to the struggle for improving conditions life and work of working people of Russia.

The social movement in the second half of the 19th century, unlike the previous time, became an important factor in the political life of the country. The variety of directions and trends, views on ideological, theoretical and tactical issues reflected the complexity of the social structure and the severity of social contradictions characteristic of the transitional time of post-reform Russia. In the social movement of the second half of the 19th century. A direction capable of carrying out the evolutionary modernization of the country has not yet emerged, but the foundations have been laid for the formation of political parties in the future.

What you need to know about this topic:

Socio-economic development of Russia in the first half of the 19th century. Social structure of the population.

Development of agriculture.

Development of Russian industry in the first half of the 19th century. The formation of capitalist relations. Industrial revolution: essence, prerequisites, chronology.

Development of water and highway communications. Start of railway construction.

Exacerbation of socio-political contradictions in the country. The palace coup of 1801 and the accession to the throne of Alexander I. “The days of Alexander were a wonderful beginning.”

Peasant question. Decree "On Free Plowmen". Government measures in the field of education. State activities of M.M. Speransky and his plan for state reforms. Creation of the State Council.

Russia's participation in anti-French coalitions. Treaty of Tilsit.

Patriotic War of 1812. International relations on the eve of the war. Causes and beginning of the war. Balance of forces and military plans of the parties. M.B. Barclay de Tolly. P.I. Bagration. M.I.Kutuzov. Stages of war. Results and significance of the war.

Foreign campaigns of 1813-1814. Congress of Vienna and its decisions. Holy Alliance.

The internal situation of the country in 1815-1825. Strengthening conservative sentiments in Russian society. A.A. Arakcheev and Arakcheevism. Military settlements.

Foreign policy of tsarism in the first quarter of the 19th century.

The first secret organizations of the Decembrists were the “Union of Salvation” and the “Union of Prosperity”. Northern and Southern society. The main program documents of the Decembrists are “Russian Truth” by P.I. Pestel and “Constitution” by N.M. Muravyov. Death of Alexander I. Interregnum. Uprising on December 14, 1825 in St. Petersburg. Uprising of the Chernigov regiment. Investigation and trial of the Decembrists. The significance of the Decembrist uprising.

The beginning of the reign of Nicholas I. Strengthening autocratic power. Further centralization and bureaucratization of the Russian state system. Intensifying repressive measures. Creation of the III department. Censorship regulations. The era of censorship terror.

Codification. M.M. Speransky. Reform of state peasants. P.D. Kiselev. Decree "On Obligated Peasants".

Polish uprising 1830-1831

The main directions of Russian foreign policy in the second quarter of the 19th century.

Eastern question. Russian-Turkish War 1828-1829 The problem of the straits in Russian foreign policy in the 30s and 40s of the 19th century.

Russia and the revolutions of 1830 and 1848. in Europe.

Crimean War. International relations on the eve of the war. Causes of the war. Progress of military operations. Russia's defeat in the war. Peace of Paris 1856. International and domestic consequences of the war.

Annexation of the Caucasus to Russia.

The formation of the state (imamate) in the North Caucasus. Muridism. Shamil. Caucasian War. The significance of the annexation of the Caucasus to Russia.

Social thought and social movement in Russia in the second quarter of the 19th century.

Formation of government ideology. The theory of official nationality. Mugs from the late 20s - early 30s of the 19th century.

N.V. Stankevich’s circle and German idealistic philosophy. A.I. Herzen’s circle and utopian socialism. "Philosophical Letter" by P.Ya.Chaadaev. Westerners. Moderate. Radicals. Slavophiles. M.V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky and his circle. The theory of "Russian socialism" by A.I. Herzen.

Socio-economic and political prerequisites for bourgeois reforms of the 60-70s of the 19th century.

Peasant reform. Preparation of reform. "Regulation" February 19, 1861 Personal liberation of the peasants. Allotments. Ransom. Duties of peasants. Temporary condition.

Zemstvo, judicial, urban reforms. Financial reforms. Reforms in the field of education. Censorship rules. Military reforms. The meaning of bourgeois reforms.

Socio-economic development of Russia in the second half of the 19th century. Social structure of the population.

Industrial development. Industrial revolution: essence, prerequisites, chronology. The main stages of the development of capitalism in industry.

The development of capitalism in agriculture. Rural community in post-reform Russia. Agrarian crisis of the 80-90s of the XIX century.

Social movement in Russia in the 50-60s of the 19th century.

Social movement in Russia in the 70-90s of the 19th century.

Revolutionary populist movement of the 70s - early 80s of the 19th century.

"Land and Freedom" of the 70s of the XIX century. "People's Will" and "Black Redistribution". Assassination of Alexander II on March 1, 1881. The collapse of Narodnaya Volya.

Labor movement in the second half of the 19th century. Strike struggle. The first workers' organizations. A work issue arises. Factory legislation.

Liberal populism of the 80-90s of the 19th century. Spread of the ideas of Marxism in Russia. Group "Emancipation of Labor" (1883-1903). The emergence of Russian social democracy. Marxist circles of the 80s of the XIX century.

St. Petersburg "Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class." V.I. Ulyanov. "Legal Marxism".

Political reaction of the 80-90s of the 19th century. The era of counter-reforms.

Alexander III. Manifesto on the “inviolability” of autocracy (1881). The policy of counter-reforms. Results and significance of counter-reforms.

International position of Russia after the Crimean War. Changing the country's foreign policy program. The main directions and stages of Russian foreign policy in the second half of the 19th century.

Russia in the system of international relations after the Franco-Prussian war. Union of Three Emperors.

Russia and the Eastern crisis of the 70s of the XIX century. The goals of Russia's policy in the eastern question. Russian-Turkish War of 1877-1878: causes, plans and forces of the parties, course of military operations. Treaty of San Stefano. Berlin Congress and its decisions. The role of Russia in the liberation of the Balkan peoples from the Ottoman yoke.

Foreign policy of Russia in the 80-90s of the XIX century. Formation of the Triple Alliance (1882). Deterioration of Russia's relations with Germany and Austria-Hungary. Conclusion of the Russian-French alliance (1891-1894).

• Buganov V.I., Zyryanov P.N. History of Russia: the end of the 17th - 19th centuries. . - M.: Education, 1996.

LECTURE 8. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL MOVEMENTS OF RUSSIA IN THE 19TH CENTURY

T.A. Lebedinskaya

In the 19th century in Russia, a social movement rich in content and methods of action, which largely determined the future fate of the country. Social life of Russia in the 19th century. difficult to rigidly schematize, because it was the time of the formation of political movements, the search for their place among the social forces of the country. So A.I. Herzen, who stood in the position of Westerners, after the revolutions of 1848 -1949. in Europe, he became disillusioned with the Western social system, became close to the Slavophiles in his assessment of the Russian community and peasantry, and developed the theory of “Russian socialism”; during the preparation of the reforms of the 60s, he took liberal positions, and after 1861 he strongly supported the revolutionary democrats. It is impossible to give an unambiguous assessment of the socio-political views of V.G. Belinsky, N.G. Chernyshevsky, P.B. Struve, G.V. Plekhanov and many others.

However, the socio-political movement of Russia in the 19th century. can be divided into three main areas: conservative-monarchical, liberal and revolutionary. A similar division of social forces occurs in many countries, but in Russia there is an excessive development of extreme movements with the relative weakness of the center (liberals).

Conservative camp Russian society of the 19th century. was represented primarily by government circles, especially during the reign of Nicholas I, Alexander III, major dignitaries, bureaucrats, a significant part of the capital and local nobility, whose goal was to preserve and strengthen the autocratic serf system, the desire to prevent radical reform of society, to protect privileges, rights of the nobility. The state ideology of autocracy became the “theory of official nationality” (“autocracy, Orthodoxy, nationality”), developed in the 19th century. 30s Minister of Public Education S.S. Uvarov. Its meaning lay in the combination of three theses: 1) autocracy is the support and guarantor of Russian statehood, its existence, power and greatness; 2) Orthodoxy is the basis of the spiritual life of society, its moral purity and stability; 3) “Nationalism” was understood as the unity of the people and the Tsar, a strong belief in the Tsar - the spokesman for the interests of the people. In the 1880s - 1890s this theory was developed by the main ideologists of unlimited autocracy M.N. Katkov, K.P. Pobedonostsev. Conservatives, who took a rational-protective position, pursued a policy of counter-reforms, fought against dissent, tightened censorship, limited or eliminated the autonomy of universities, etc.

The need for fundamental changes in the sphere of socio-economic relations and the state system of Russia at the beginning of the 19th century became as obvious as the inability of the authorities to implement them. As a result, a part of society, initially small and then increasingly significant, becomes in opposition to the authorities, subjecting them to sharp criticism. Moreover, the “educated minority” (in the words of A.I. Herzen) more and more persistently declared their readiness to take an active part in the transformations.

In Soviet historical literature, under the influence of Lenin’s periodization of the liberation movement, its initial stage is usually attributed to 1825 - the Decembrist uprising. The noble opposition of the late 18th century was left outside the framework of the liberation movement. N.I. Novikov, D.I. Fonvizin, A.N. Radishchev spoke out for the rights of citizens in a fair and classless state. At the same time, unlike Novikov and Fonvizin, who did not call for an armed struggle against the autocracy, Radishchev recognized any actions of citizens in defense of their rights and freedoms.

The first organized protest against autocracy and serfdom in Russian history was associated with the Decembrists. Their worldview was formed under the influence of Russian reality, the ideas of French enlighteners, revolutionary events in Europe, as well as the Patriotic War of 1812. “We are children of 1812. To sacrifice everything, even life, for the good of the Fatherland, was the desire of the heart. There was no egoism in our feelings,” wrote the Decembrist M.I. Muravyov-Apostol. The liberal reform projects of Alexander I and M.M. had a great influence on future members of secret societies. Speransky.

The first secret society - "Union of Salvation"- arose in 1816 and united only 30 people, mostly officers. The main goal of society was the destruction of serfdom and the absolute form of government, the introduction of a constitution and civil liberties. In 1818, instead of the "Union of Salvation" was founded “Union of Welfare”, it consisted of about 200 people. The main task of the Union was to educate broad sections of the population of progressive public opinion, disseminate “true rules of moral education,” and active participation in public life. All this, ultimately, the Decembrists believed, would lead to the introduction of a constitution and the abolition of serfdom. In the early 1820s, the government of Alexander I abandoned the policy of reform and switched to reaction. The “Union of Welfare” is falling apart. In 1821 - 1822 two new societies arose - Northern in St. Petersburg and Southern in Ukraine.

Projects outlined in “Russkaya Pravda” P.I. Pestel(Southern Society) and “Constitution” N.M. Muravyova(Northern Society) about the future structure of Russia, the nature of government, the emancipation of peasants, land reform, the relationship between individual rights and the powers of the state reflected not only liberal, but also revolutionary trends in the development of the social movement of this period. “Russian Truth” set two main tasks for the Decembrists. Firstly, to overthrow the autocracy and establish a republic in Russia (until the new order was strengthened in power, Pestel proposed to entrust power to a temporary supreme government with dictatorial powers), the highest legislative body was supposed to be the People's Council, the executive - the State Duma, the judicial - the Supreme Council. Secondly, serfdom was abolished, the peasants were freed without ransom and received 10 - 12 acres of land per family. The land was divided into two funds - public and private - the lands of the first could not be sold, the lands of the second fund were subject to free purchase and sale. Class privileges were abolished, democratic freedoms were guaranteed, and the equality of all peoples of Russia in a single (unitary) republic was guaranteed.

"Constitution"Muravyova raised the same questions as in Russkaya Pravda, but they were resolved less radically. Instead of autocracy, there is a constitutional monarchy in a federal form. The highest legislative body was to become the People's Assembly of two chambers, and the highest executive power was to belong to the tsar. Serfdom was abolished, peasants received 2 tithes per family, and landownership was preserved. December 14, 1825 members of the Northern Society, taking advantage of the dynastic crisis in the country, brought about three thousand people to Senate Square. Later, troops led by members of the Southern Society marched in Ukraine. The uprisings were suppressed by the authorities, which then brutally dealt with their participants: five were executed (P.I. Pestel, K.F. Ryleev, S.I. Muravyov-Apostol, M.P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin and P.G. Kakhovsky, More than 100 Decembrists were exiled to hard labor in Siberia in the Caucasus against the Highlanders.

Reasons for the defeat of the Decembrists traditionally explained in Lenin’s words: “They were terribly far from the people.” However, the Decembrists deliberately did not want to rely on the masses and could not count on the support of the people. They feared a senseless and merciless rebellion and were aware of the large, historically established gap between the enlightened part of society and the extremely backward, politically undeveloped lower classes. As contemporaries testified, the people accepted the defeat of the Decembrists with approval: “The Tsar defeated the nobles, which means there will soon be freedom.” The defeat of the Decembrists was predetermined by the lack of political experience, organizational weakness, the psychological difficulty of fighting against “their own”, the comparative small number of their ranks, they represented an insignificant part of their class and only 0.6% of the total number of officers and generals, and the cohesion of conservative forces. And, finally, the views of the Decembrists, aimed at liberal development, were ahead of their time, since in Russia there were still no mature prerequisites for the transition to a new social system. Nevertheless, the historical merit of the Decembrists is undeniable. Their names and destinies remain in memory, and their ideas are in the arsenal of the next generations of freedom fighters. In the literature about the Decembrists, there are various assessments: from “a bunch of madmen alien to our holy Rus'”, “without roots in the past and prospects for the future” (conservative-monarchist concept) “their programmatic guidelines are a continuation of the reforms of Alexander I, and the uprising of December 14 - the Explosion despair due to denunciations and the threat of reprisals” (liberal concept); “the greatness and significance of the Decembrists as the first Russian revolutionaries” (revolutionary concept).

The period of reign of Nicholas I A.I. that followed the defeat of the Decembrists. Herzen called the time of external slavery and “the time of internal liberation.” The second half of the 30s was marked, on the one hand, by the decline of the social movement, repression and persecution of its participants; a state of uncertainty and disappointment reigned in society, on the other hand. The Nikolaev reaction failed strangle the liberation movement. These sentiments were reflected in "Philosophical Letters" P.Ya. Chaadaev. Chaadaev's letters, with their paradoxical unity of denial of the intrinsic value of Russia's historical past and belief in the special role of a renewed Russia included in the Western Christian world, played an important role in reviving public life. A new stage in the social movement begins, represented primarily by liberal movement. Liberalism is an ideology and socio-political movement that unites supporters of the parliamentary system, democratic freedoms and freedom of enterprise.

The formation of Russian liberal ideology occurred in two directions. In the 40s of the XIX century. the emerging liberalism was represented by Slavophilism and Westernism. Westerners (P.V. Annenkov, T.N. Granovsky, K.D. Kavelin, S.M. Solovyov, V.N. Chicherin) recognized the common historical destinies of the peoples of Russia and the West, idealized the West, its culture, and praised Peter I .

Slavophiles(brothers I.V. and K.V. Aksakov, I.V. and P.V. Kireevsky, A.I. Koshelev, Yu.F. Samarin, A.S. Khomyakov) idealized pre-Petrine Russia, saw real prospects for development countries in an original, primordially Russian way: community, Orthodoxy, autocracy with estate-representative institutions, the Zemsky Sobor, local self-government, had a negative attitude towards Peter I, who, in their opinion, directed Russia along the alien path of the West.

Despite their differences, both of them rejected the revolution, preferring reforms from above to uprisings from below, opposed serfdom, the boundless despotism of the autocracy, and firmly believed in the great future of Russia. The liberal and revolutionary democratic forces could not unite into a strong opposition bloc, because They were separated by too many things: the socialist idea, views on the state structure of the future of Russia.

A certain part of educated society was captured by revolutionary sentiments. This was due, firstly, to dissatisfaction with the progress of the reforms, and secondly, to serious changes in the social composition of this part of society, the emergence of various intelligentsia. Raznochintsy - people of different ranks and ranks at the end of the 18th - 19th centuries. interclass category of the population, people from different classes, were carriers democratic and revolutionary ideology. A.I. Herzen, combining European ideas of utopian socialism with the specific conditions of Russia, laid the foundation for the socialist tradition in the country's social movement. The future socialist system in Russia, according to Herzen, based on the equality of all members, collective (community) property, and compulsory labor for all, should be established after the peasant revolution, the overthrow of the autocracy and the establishment of a democratic republic. These ideas were further developed in the views of N.G. Chernyshevsky, revolutionary populism of the 60s and 70s.

Populism- ideology and movement of the various intelligentsia in the 1860s - 1890s. opposing serfdom and capitalist development, for the overthrow of tsarism by revolutionary means.

The main of these ideas boil down to the following: Russia can and must move to socialism, bypassing capitalism, while relying on the peasant community as the embryo of socialism; To do this, it is necessary to abolish serfdom, transfer all the land to the peasants, destroy landownership, overthrow the autocracy and establish the power of the people.

Depending on the relationship between the goals and means of the struggle against autocracy in the revolutionary populist movement of the 70s, three main directions are distinguished: propaganda, “rebellious” (anarchist) and terrorist (“conspiratorial”). The first (P.L. Lavrov) believed that the victory of the peasant revolution required intense propaganda work and education of the masses, the second (M.A. Bakunin) called for an immediate uprising (rebellion), the third (P.N. Tkachev) considered the main thing organizing a conspiracy, seizing state power through an armed coup: “cutting off the ministers” and carrying out socialist transformations from above.

In the spring of 1874, about 40 provinces of Russia were caught up in a mass movement of revolutionary youth, called “going to the people.” The calls of the populists were met with distrust and often hostility among the peasantry; moreover, the movement was poorly organized. It was not possible to start an uprising, mass arrests followed, and the movement was crushed.

In the 80s of the 19th century, a new factor in Russian social life became emergence of Marxism Closely connected with the formation of the industrial proletariat and the growth of the labor movement, the first workers' organizations appeared: “South Russian Workers' Union”(1875, Odessa) and “Northern Union of Russian Workers”(1878, St. Petersburg). The turn to Marxism was associated with the name of G.V. Plekhanov. In 1883, the first Marxist organization appeared in Geneva - the “Emancipation of Labor” group led by G.V. Plekhanov, who sharply criticized populist views, proved the advantages of Marxism, and distributed Marxist literature in Russia. The first social democratic groups of this period in Russia D. Blagoeva, P.V. Tochissky, M.I. Brusneva, N.E. Fedoseev were few in number and consisted mainly of the intelligentsia and students. However, soon workers who were impressed by Marxism with its sharp and justified criticism of capitalism, the proclamation of the proletariat as the main fighter against exploitation and the construction of a society of universal equality and justice, were included in the work of the circles. In 1895, the Marxist movement experienced an important stage: circles of St. Petersburg Marxists united in a citywide “Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class”, who played a major role in connecting social democracy with the mass workers' movement. In 1898, an attempt was made to unite all the forces of Russian Marxism. A congress took place in Minsk, proclaiming the formation Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP).

At the end of the 90s, there was a growth in the opposition movement, which led, along with other factors, to the beginning of the 20th century. to the political crisis, and then to the revolution of 1905 - 1907.

1.1 Social movements in Russia in the first quarter of the 19th century.

1.2 Decembrist movement

1.3 Social movements in Russia in the second quarter of the 19th century

2. Social and political development of Russia in the second half of the 19th century

2.1 Peasant movement

2.2 Liberal movement

2.3 Social movement

2.5 Labor movement

2.6 Revolutionary movement in the 80s - early 90s.

Conclusion

List of used literature

In the first half of the 19th century, Russia was one of the largest European powers. Its territory was about 18 million square kilometers, and its population exceeded 70 million people.

The basis of the Russian economy was agriculture. Serfs were the largest category of the population. Land was the exclusive property of landowners or the state.

The industrial development of Russia, despite the general increase in the number of enterprises by approximately 5 times, was low. The main industries used the labor of serfs, which was not very profitable. The basis of industry was handicraft peasant crafts. In the center of Russia there were large industrial villages (for example, Ivanovo). At this time, the number of industrial centers increased significantly. This affected the growth of the urban population. The largest cities were St. Petersburg and Moscow.

The development of the mining and textile industries led to an intensification of trade both within the country and on the foreign market. Trade was predominantly seasonal. The main shopping centers were fairs. Their number at that time reached 4000.

Transport and communication systems were poorly developed, and were also mainly of a seasonal nature: in the summer the water route predominated, in the winter - by sleigh.

At the beginning of the 19th century, a number of reforms took place in Russia that influenced its further development.

The purpose of the test is to consider socio-political movements in the 2nd-3rd quarter of the 19th century.

Job objectives:

1. analyze the features of the socio-political development of Russia in the first half of the 19th century;

2. reveal the essence of the socio-political development of Russia in the 2nd half of the 19th century.

1.1 Social movements in Russia in the first quarter of the 19th century.

The first years of the reign of Alexander I were marked by a noticeable revival of public life. Current issues of the state's domestic and foreign policy were discussed in scientific and literary societies, in circles of students and teachers, in secular salons and in Masonic lodges. The focus of public attention was on the attitude towards the French Revolution, serfdom and autocracy.

The lifting of the ban on the activities of private printing houses, permission to import books from abroad, the adoption of a new censorship statute (1804) - all this had a significant impact on the further spread of the ideas of the European Enlightenment in Russia. Educational goals were set by I.P. Pnin, V.V. Popugaev, A.Kh. Vostokov, A.P. Kunitsyn, who created the Free Society of Lovers of Literature, Sciences and Arts in St. Petersburg (1801-1825). Strongly influenced by Radishchev's views, they translated the works of Voltaire, Diderot, and Montesquieu, and published articles and literary works.

Supporters of various ideological trends began to group around new magazines. “Bulletin of Europe”, published by N. M. Karamzin and then by V. A. Zhukovsky, was popular.

Most Russian educators considered it necessary to reform autocratic rule and abolish serfdom. However, they constituted only a small part of society and, moreover, remembering the horrors of the Jacobin terror, they hoped to achieve their goal peacefully, through education, moral education and the formation of civic consciousness.

The bulk of the nobility and officials were conservative. The views of the majority were reflected in “Note on Ancient and New Russia” by N. M. Karamzin (1811). Recognizing the need for change, Karamzin opposed the plan for constitutional reforms, since Russia, where “the sovereign is the living law,” does not need a constitution, but fifty “smart and virtuous governors.”

The Patriotic War of 1812 and the foreign campaigns of the Russian army played a huge role in the development of national identity. The country was experiencing a huge patriotic upsurge, hopes for sweeping changes revived among the people and society, everyone was waiting for changes for the better - and they did not receive it. The peasants were the first to be disappointed. Heroic participants in battles, saviors of the Fatherland, they hoped to gain freedom, but from the manifesto on the occasion of the victory over Napoleon (1814) they heard: “Peasants, our faithful people - let them receive their reward from God.” A wave of peasant uprisings swept across the country, the number of which increased in the post-war period. In total, according to incomplete data, about 280 peasant unrest occurred over a quarter of a century, and approximately 2/3 of them occurred in 1813-1820. The movement on the Don (1818-1820) was especially long and fierce, in which more than 45 thousand peasants were involved. Constant unrest accompanied the introduction of military settlements. One of the largest was the uprising in Chuguev in the summer of 1819. Discontent also grew in the army, which consisted for the most part of peasants recruited through conscription. An unheard of event was the indignation of the Semenovsky Guards Regiment, whose chief was the emperor. In October 1820, the soldiers of the regiment, driven to despair by oppression from their regimental commander F.E. Schwartz, filed a complaint against him and refused to obey their officers. On the personal instructions of Alexander I, nine of the “most guilty” were driven through the ranks, and then exiled to Siberia, the regiment was disbanded.

The strengthening of conservative-protective principles in the official ideology was manifested in a return to the traditional image of Russia as a Christian power. The autocracy tried to oppose religious dogma to the influence of the revolutionary ideas of the West. The personal sentiments of the emperor also played a big role here, who attributed the success of the war with Bonaparte to the intervention of supernatural divine forces. It is also significant that the State Council, Senate and Synod presented Alexander I with the title of the Blessed. After 1815, the emperor, and after him a significant part of society, increasingly plunged into religious and mystical moods. A unique manifestation of this phenomenon was the activity of the Bible Society, created at the end of 1812 and by 1816 it had acquired an official character. Its president, minister of spiritual affairs and public education played a huge role in the activities of the Bible Society. A. N. Golitsyn. The main goal of the society was the translation, publication and distribution of the Bible among the people. In 1821, the New Testament was published in Russian for the first time in Russia. However, the ideas of mysticism spread widely among members of society. Golitsyn contributed to the publication and distribution of books of mystical content, provided patronage to various sects, and was a supporter of the unification of Christian faiths and the equalization of Orthodoxy with other religions. All this caused opposition to Golitsyn’s course among numerous church hierarchs, led by Archimandrite Photius of the Novgorod Yuryev Monastery. In May 1824, Prince Golitsyn fell from grace and Alexander I cooled down on the activities of the society. At the end of 1824, the new president of the society, Metropolitan Seraphim, presented to the emperor a report on the need to close the Bible Society as harmful; in April 1826 it was liquidated

The government’s refusal of the policy of transformation and the strengthening of the reaction caused the emergence of the first revolutionary movement in Russia, the basis of which was made up of progressive-minded military men from the liberal strata of the nobility. One of the origins of the emergence of “freethinking in Russia” was Patriotic War.

In 1814-1815 The first secret officer organizations emerge (“Union of Russian Knights”, “Sacred Artel”, “Semyonovskaya Artel”). Their founders - M. F. Orlov, M. A. Dmitriev-Mamonov, A. and M. Muravyov - considered it unacceptable to maintain the serfdom of peasants and soldiers who committed a civil feat during the Napoleonic invasion.

In February 1816 in St. Petersburg, on the initiative of A. N. Muravyov, N. M. Muravyov, M. and S. Muravyov-Apostolov, S. P. Trubetskoy and I. D. Yakushkin Union of Salvation. This centralized conspiracy organization included 30 patriotic young military men. A year later, the Union adopted a “statute” - a program and charter, after which the organization began to be called Society of true and faithful sons of the Fatherland. The goals of the struggle were declared to be the abolition of serfdom" and the establishment of constitutional government. These demands were supposed to be presented at the time of the change of monarchs on the throne. M. S. Lunin and I. D. Yakushkin raised the question of the need for regicide, but N. Muravyov, I. G. Burtsov and others spoke out against violence and for propaganda as the only way of action. Disputes about ways to achieve the goals of society necessitated the adoption of a new charter and program. In 1818, a special commission (S. P. Trubetskoy, N. Muravyov, P. P. Koloshin ) developed a new charter, named after the color of the binding “Green Book.” The first secret society was liquidated and created Union of Prosperity. Members of the Union, which could be not only military men, but also merchants, townspeople, clergy and free peasants, were given the task of preparing public opinion for the need for change within about 20 years. The ultimate goals of the Union - a political and social revolution - were not declared in the “Book”, since it was intended for wide dissemination.

The Welfare Union had about 200 members. It was led by the Root Council in St. Petersburg, the main councils (branches) were located in Moscow and Tulchin (in Ukraine), councils arose in Poltava, Tambov, Kyiv, Chisinau, and in the Nizhny Novgorod province. Educational societies of a semi-legal nature were formed around the Union. Officers - members of society - put the ideas of the “Green Book” into practice (abolition of corporal punishment, training in schools, in the army).

However, dissatisfaction with educational activities in the context of growing peasant unrest, protests in the army, and a number of military revolutions in Europe led to the radicalization of part of the Union. In January 1821, a congress of the Root Council met in Moscow. He declared the Welfare Union “dissolved” to facilitate the weeding out of “unreliable” members who opposed the conspiracy and violent measures. Immediately after the congress, the secret Northern and Southern societies arose almost simultaneously, uniting supporters of the armed coup and preparing the uprising of 1825. Southern society became the Southern Administration of the Union of Welfare in Tulchin. Its chairman became P. I. Pestel(1793-1826). He was a man of enormous talents, received an excellent education, distinguished himself in the battles of Leipzig and Troyes. By 1820, Pestel was already a staunch supporter of the republican form of government. In 1824, the Southern Society adopted the program document he compiled - "Russian Truth" put forward the task of establishing a republican system in Russia. “Russian Truth” proclaimed the dictatorship of the Provisional Supreme Government for the entire duration of the revolution, which, as Pestel assumed, would last 10-15 years. According to Pestel's project, Russia was to become a single centralized state with a republican form of government. Legislative power belonged to the People's Council consisting of 500 people, which was elected for a period of 5 years. The State Duma, elected at the assembly and consisting of 5 members, became the body of executive power. The highest control body was the Supreme Council of 120 citizens elected for life. The class division was eliminated, all citizens were endowed with political rights. Serfdom was destroyed. The land fund of each volost was divided into public (inalienable) and private half. From the first half, freed peasants and all citizens who wished to engage in farming received land. The second half consisted of state and private property and was subject to purchase and sale. The draft proclaimed the sacred right of personal property and established freedom of occupation and religion for all citizens of the republic.

Southern society recognized an armed uprising in the capital as a necessary condition for success; accordingly, the conditions for membership in the society were changed: now only a military man could become a member,” a decision was made on the strictest discipline and secrecy. After the liquidation of the Welfare Union, a new secret society was immediately formed in St. Petersburg - Northern, the main core of which was N.M. Muravyov, NI. Turgenev, M. S. Lunin, S. P. Trubetskoy, E. P. Obolensky and I. I. Pushchin. Subsequently, the composition of the society expanded significantly. A number of its members moved away from the republican decisions of the Indigenous Council and returned to the idea of ​​a constitutional monarchy. The program of the Northern Society can be judged by constitutional project of Nikita Muravyov, not accepted, however, as an official document of society. Russia became a constitutional monarchical state. A federal division of the country into 15 “powers” ​​was introduced. Power was divided into legislative, executive and judicial. The highest legislative body was the bicameral People's Assembly, elected for a period of 6 years on the basis of a high property qualification. Legislative power in each “power” was exercised by a bicameral Sovereign Assembly, elected for 4 years. The emperor had executive power and became the “supreme official.” The highest judicial body of the federation was the Supreme Court. The class system was abolished, civil and political freedoms were proclaimed. Serfdom was abolished; in the latest version of the constitution, N. Muravyov provided for the allocation of freed peasants with land (2 dessiatines per yard). Landowner property was preserved.

However, a more radical movement, headed by K. F. Ryleev, was gaining more and more strength in Northern society. His literary activities brought him fame: the satire on Arakcheev “To the Temporary Worker” (1820) and “Dumas,” which glorified the fight against tyranny, were especially popular. He joined the society in 1823 and a year later was elected its director. Ryleev adhered to republican views.

The most intense activity of the Decembrist organizations occurred in 1824-1825: preparations were made for an open armed uprising, and hard work was underway to harmonize the political platforms of the Northern and Southern societies. In 1824, it was decided to prepare and hold a unification congress by the beginning of 1826, and in the summer of 1826 to carry out a military coup. In the second half of 1825, the forces of the Decembrists increased: the Southern Society joined the Vasilkovsky council Society of United Slavs. It arose in 1818 as a secret political “Society of First Consent”, in 1823 it was transformed into the Society of United Slavs, the purpose of the organization was to create a powerful republican democratic federation of Slavic peoples.

In May 1821, the emperor became aware of the Decembrist conspiracy: to him reported on the plans and composition of the Welfare Union. But Alexander I limited himself to the words: “It’s not for me to execute them.” Revolt of December 14, 1825 The sudden death of Alexander I in Taganrog, which followed November 19, 1825 g., changed the plans of the conspirators and forced them to act ahead of schedule.

Tsarevich Constantine was considered the heir to the throne. On November 27, the troops and population were sworn in to Emperor Constantine I. Only on December 12, 1825, an official message about his abdication came from Constantine, who was in Warsaw. A manifesto on the accession of Emperor Nicholas I immediately followed and on the 14th December In 1825, a “re-oath” was appointed. The interregnum caused discontent among the people and the army. The moment for the implementation of the plans of secret societies was extremely favorable. In addition, the Decembrists learned that the government had received denunciations about their activities, and on December 13, Pestel was arrested.

The coup plan was adopted during meetings of society members at Ryleev’s apartment in St. Petersburg. Decisive importance was attached to the success of the performance in the capital. At the same time, troops were supposed to move out in the south of the country, in the 2nd Army. One of the founders of the Union of Salvation, S. P. Trubetskoy, Colonel of the Guard, famous and popular among the soldiers. On the appointed day, it was decided to withdraw troops to Senate Square, prevent the oath of the Senate and State Council to Nikolai Pavlovich and, on their behalf, publish the “Manifesto to the Russian People,” which proclaimed the abolition of serfdom, freedom of the press, conscience, occupation and movement, the introduction of universal military service instead recruitment The government was declared deposed, and power was transferred to the Provisional Government until the representative Great Council made a decision on the form of government in Russia. The royal family was to be arrested. The Winter Palace and the Peter and Paul Fortress were supposed to be captured with the help of troops, and Nicholas was to be killed.

But it was not possible to carry out the planned plan. A. Yakubovich, who was supposed to command the Guards naval crew and the Izmailovsky regiment during the capture of the Winter Palace and arrest the royal family, refused to complete this task for fear of becoming the culprit of regicide. The Moscow Life Guards Regiment appeared on Senate Square, and was later joined by sailors of the Guards crew and life grenadiers - a total of about 3 thousand soldiers and 30 officers. While Nicholas l was gathering troops to the square, Governor-General M. A. Miloradovich appealed to the rebels to disperse and was mortally wounded by P. G. Kakhovsky. It soon became clear that Nicholas had already sworn in the members of the Senate and the State Council. It was necessary to change the plan of the uprising, but S.P. Trubetskoy, who was called upon to lead the actions of the rebels, did not appear on the square. In the evening, the Decembrists elected a new dictator - Prince E. P. Obolensky, but time was lost. Nicholas I, after several unsuccessful cavalry attacks, gave the order to fire grapeshot from the cannons. 1,271 people were killed, and most of the victims - more than 900 - were among the sympathizers and curious people gathered in the square. December 29, 1825 S.I. Muravyov-Apostol and M.P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin managed to raise the Chernigov regiment, stationed in the south, in the village of Trilesy. Government troops were sent against the rebels. 3 January 1826 The Chernigov regiment was destroyed.

579 officers were involved in the investigation, which was led by Nicholas I himself, 280 of them were found guilty. July 13, 1826 K. F. Ryleev, P. I. Pestel, S. I. Muravyov-Apostol, M. P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin m P. G. Kakhovsky were hanged. The rest of the Decembrists were demoted and sent to hard labor in Siberia and the Caucasian regiments. Soldiers and sailors (2.5 thousand people) were tried separately. Some of them were sentenced to punishment with spitzrutens (178 people), 23 - with sticks and rods. Others were sent to the Caucasus and Siberia.

In the first years of Nikolai Pavlovich's reign, his desire to restore order in government institutions, eradicate abuses and establish the rule of law inspired society with hopes for changes for the better. Nicholas I was even compared to Peter I. But the illusions were quickly dispelled.

In the late 20s - early 30s. Moscow University becomes the center of social ferment. Among his students, circles arise in which plans are developed for conducting anti-government agitation (the circle of the Kritsky brothers), an armed uprising and the introduction of constitutional government (the circle of N. P. Sungurov). A group of supporters of the republic and utopian socialism united around themselves in the early 30s. A. I. Herzen and N. P. Ogarev. All these student societies did not exist for long; they were discovered and destroyed.

At the same time, a student at Moscow University V. G. Belinsky (1811-1848) organized the “Literary Society of the 11th Number” (by room number), in which his drama “Dmitry Kalinin”, issues of philosophy and aesthetics were discussed. In 1832, Belinsky was expelled from the university “due to limited abilities” and “poor health.”

The circle of N.V. Stankevich, also at Moscow University, existed somewhat longer than others. He was distinguished by liberal political moderation. The circle members were interested in German philosophy, especially Hegel, history and literature. After Stankevich left for treatment abroad in 1837, the circle gradually disintegrated. Since the late 30s. The liberal direction took the form of the ideological movements of Westernism and Slavophilism.

Slavophiles - mainly thinkers and publicists (A.S. Khomyakov, I.V. and P.V. Kireevsky, I.S. and K.S. Aksakov, Yu.F. Samarin) idealized pre-Petrine Rus', insisted on its originality, which They saw in the peasant community, alien to social hostility, and in Orthodoxy. These features, in their opinion, will ensure a peaceful path of social transformation in the country. Russia was supposed to return to zemstvo councils, but without serfdom.

Westerners - mainly historians and writers (I. S. Turgenev, T. N. Granovsky, S. M. Solovyov, K. D. Kavelin, B. N. Chicherin) were supporters of the European path of development and advocated a peaceful transition to a parliamentary system. However, the main positions of the Slavophiles and Westerners coincided: they advocated carrying out political and social reforms from above, against revolutions.

Radical direction formed around the magazines “Sovremennik” and “Otechestvennye zapiski”, in which V. G. Belinsky, A. I. Herzen and N. A. Nekrasov spoke. Supporters of this trend also believed that Russia would follow the European path, but unlike the liberals, they believed that revolutionary upheavals were inevitable. Herzen, dissociating himself in the late 40s. from Westernism and having adopted a number of ideas of the Slavophiles, he came to the idea Russian socialism. He considered the community and the artel to be the basis of the future social structure and assumed self-government on a national scale and public ownership of land.

He became an independent figure in the ideological opposition to Nicholas' rule P. Ya. Chaadaev(1794-1856). A graduate of Moscow University, a participant in the Battle of Borodino and the “Battle of the Nations” near Leipzig, a friend of the Decembrists and A.S. Pushkin, in 1836 he published the first of his “Philosophical Letters” in the Telescope magazine, which, according to Herzen, “ shocked all thinking Russia.” Chaadaev gave a very gloomy assessment of Russia's historical past and its role in world history; he was extremely pessimistic about the possibilities of social progress in Russia. Chaadaev considered the main reason for Russia’s separation from the European historical tradition to be the rejection of Catholicism in favor of the religion of slavery - Orthodoxy. The government regarded the “Letter” as an anti-government speech: the magazine was closed, the publisher was sent into exile, the censor was fired, and Chaadaev was declared crazy and placed under police supervision.

A significant place in the history of the social movement of the 40s. occupies a society that has developed around a utopian socialist M. V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky. Since 1845, acquaintances gathered with him on Fridays to discuss philosophical, literary and socio-political issues. F. M. Dostoevsky, A. N. Maikov, A. N. Pleshcheev, M. E. Saltykov, A. G. Rubinshtein, P. P. Semenov visited here. Gradually, separate illegal groups of his supporters began to emerge around Petrashevsky’s circle in St. Petersburg. By 1849, some of the Petrashevites, who had pinned their hopes on a peasant revolution, began to discuss plans for creating a secret society whose goal would be to overthrow the autocracy and destroy serfdom. In April 1849, the most active members of the circle “were arrested; the investigative commission regarded their intentions as a dangerous “conspiracy of ideas,” and a military court sentenced 21 Petrashevites to death. At the last moment, the condemned were announced to replace the death penalty with hard labor, prison companies and a link to the settlement. The period called by A.I. Herzen, “the era of excited mental interests,” has ended. There was a reaction in Russia. A new revival came only in 1856.

Peasant movement during the reign of Nicholas I, it constantly increased: if in the second quarter of the century there were on average up to 43 performances per year, then in the 50s. their number reached 100. The main reason, as the III Department reported to the Tsar in 1835, causing cases of peasant disobedience, was “the thought of freedom.” The largest protests of this period were the so-called “Cholera riots”. In the fall of 1830, an uprising of Tambov peasants during an epidemic marked the beginning of unrest that engulfed entire provinces and lasted until August 1831. In cities and villages, huge crowds, fueled by rumors of deliberate infection, destroyed hospitals, killed doctors, police officers and officials. In the summer of 1831, during a cholera epidemic in St. Petersburg, up to 600 people died daily. The unrest that began in the city spread to Novgorod military settlements. There was great indignation among the state peasants of the Urals in 1834-1835, caused by the government's intention to transfer them to the category of appanages. In the 40s Mass unauthorized resettlement of serfs from 14 provinces began to the Caucasus and other regions, which the government hardly managed to stop with the help of troops.

The unrest of the serf workers acquired significant proportions during these years. Of the 108 labor unrest in the 30-50s. approximately 60% occurred among sessional workers. In 1849, more than half a century of struggle of Kazan cloth workers ended with their transfer from a possession to a civilian state.

1.4 National liberation movement

Polish uprising 1830-1831 The annexation of Poland to the Russian Empire strengthened the opposition movement, which was led by the Polish nobility and whose goal was the restoration of Polish statehood and the return of Poland to the borders of 1772. Violations of the constitution of the Kingdom of Poland in 1815, the arbitrariness of the Russian administration, and the influence of the European revolutions of 1830 created an explosive situation. On November 17 (29), members of a secret society that united officers, students, and intellectuals attacked the residence of Grand Duke Constantine in Warsaw. The conspirators were joined by townspeople and soldiers of the Polish army. A Provisional Government was formed and the creation of the National Guard began. On January 13 (25), the Sejm proclaimed the dethronization (removal from the Polish throne) of Nicholas I and elected a National Government headed by A. Czartoryski. This meant a declaration of war on Russia.

Soon, a 120,000-strong Russian army under the command of I. I. Dibich entered the Kingdom of Poland. Despite the numerical superiority of Russian troops (the Polish army numbered 50-60 thousand people), the war dragged on. Only on August 27 (September 8) the Russian army under the command of I.F. Paskevich (he replaced Dibmcha, who died of cholera) entered Warsaw. The Constitution of 1815 was repealed. According to the accepted 1832 According to the Organic Statute, Poland became an integral part of Russia. Caucasian War. Ended in the 20s. XIX century The annexation of the Caucasus to Russia gave rise to the separatist movement of the Muslim mountaineers of Chechnya, Mountainous Dagestan and the North-Western Caucasus. It took place under the banner of muridism (novitiate) and was led by the local clergy. The murids called on all Muslims for a holy war against the “infidels.” IN 1834 became imam (leader of the movement) Shamil. On the territory of mountainous Dagestan and Chechnya, he created a theocratic state - an imamate, which had connections with Turkey and received military support from England. Shamil's popularity was enormous; he managed to gather up to 20 thousand soldiers under his command. After significant successes in the 40s. Shamil, under pressure from Russian troops, was forced to surrender in 1859 in the village of Gunib. Then he was in honorable exile in Central Russia. In the North-Western Caucasus, fighting carried out by the tribes of the Circassians, Shapsugs, Ubykhs and Circassians continued until the end of 1864, when the Kbaada tract (Krasnaya Polyana) was taken.

2.1 Peasant movement

Peasant movement since the late 50s fueled by constant rumors about the impending liberation. If in 1851-1855. There were 287 peasant unrest, then in 1856-1859. - 1341. The deep disappointment of the peasants in the nature and content of the reform was expressed in massive refusals to fulfill duties and sign “statutory charters”. Rumors spread widely among the peasantry about the falsity of the “Regulations of February 19” and about the government’s preparation of a “real will” by 1863.

The greatest number of unrest occurred in March - July 1861, when peasant disobedience was recorded on 1,176 estates. On 337 estates, military teams were used to pacify the peasants. The largest clashes occurred in the Penza and Kazan provinces. In the village of Bezdna, which became the center of peasant unrest that engulfed three districts of the Kazan province, troops killed 91 people and wounded 87. In 1862-1863. The wave of peasant uprisings has noticeably subsided. In 1864, open peasant unrest was recorded on only 75 estates.

Since the mid-70s. The peasant movement is again beginning to gain strength under the influence of scarcity of land, the burden of payments and duties. The consequences of the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878 also affected, and in 1879-1880. poor harvests and shortages caused famine. The number of peasant unrest grew mainly in the central, eastern and southern provinces. The unrest among the peasants was intensified by rumors that a new redistribution of land was being prepared.

The largest number of peasant protests occurred in 1881-1884. The main reasons for unrest were the increase in the size of various duties and the appropriation of peasant lands by landowners. The peasant movement noticeably intensified after the famine of 1891-1892, with peasants increasingly resorting to armed attacks on police and military detachments, seizures of landowners' property, and collective forest felling.

Meanwhile, in his agricultural policy The government tried to preserve its patriarchal way of life by regulating peasant life. After the abolition of serfdom, the process of disintegration of the peasant family quickly proceeded, and the number of family divisions increased. The 1886 law established the procedure for carrying out family division only with the consent of the head of the family and 2/3 of the village assembly. But this measure only led to an increase in illegal divisions, because it was impossible to stop this natural process. In the same year, a law was passed on the hiring of agricultural workers, obliging the peasant to sign a contract to work for the landowner and providing for severe punishment for leaving without permission. In its agrarian policy, the government attached great importance to the preservation of the peasant community. The law adopted in 1893 prohibited the mortgaging of allotment lands, allowed their sale only to fellow villagers, and the early purchase of peasant lands, provided for by the “Regulations of February 19, 1861,” allowed only with the consent of 2/3 of the assembly. In the same year, a law was passed whose task was to eliminate some of the shortcomings of communal land use. The community's right to redistribute land was limited, and plots were assigned to peasants. From now on, at least 2/3 of the assembly had to vote for the repartition, and the interval between repartitions could not be less than 12 years. This created conditions for improving the quality of land cultivation and increasing productivity. The laws of 1893 strengthened the position of the wealthy peasantry, made it difficult for the poorest peasantry to leave the community, and perpetuated land shortages. In order to preserve the community, the government, despite the abundance of free land, restrained the resettlement movement.

Liberal movement late 50's - early 60's. was the widest and had many different shades. But, one way or another, liberals advocated the peaceful establishment of constitutional forms of government, political and civil liberties and the education of the people. Being supporters of legal forms, liberals acted through the press and zemstvo. Historians were the first to set out the program of Russian liberalism K.D, Kavelin And B: N. Chicherin, who, in their “Letter to the Publisher” (1856), spoke out for reforming the existing orders “from above” and proclaimed the “law of gradualism” as the main law of history. Widespread in the late 50s. received liberal notes and reform projects, liberal journalism developed. Tribune of liberal Westerners! ideas became the new magazine “Russian Bulletin” (1856-1862>, | founded M. N. Katkov. Liberal Slavophile A. I. Koshelev The magazines “Russian Conversation” and “Rural Improvement” were published. In 1863, the publication of one of the largest Russian newspapers, Russkie Vedomosti, began in Moscow, which became the organ of the liberal intelligentsia. Since 1866, the liberal historian M. M. Stasyulevich founded the journal “Bulletin of Europe”.

A peculiar phenomenon of Russian liberalism was the position of the Tver provincial nobility, which, even during the period of preparation and discussion of the peasant reform, came up with a constitutional project. And in 1862, the Tver noble assembly recognized the unsatisfactory “Regulations of February 19”, the need for the immediate redemption of peasant plots with the help of the state. It spoke out for the destruction of estates, reform of the court, administration and finance.

The liberal movement as a whole was much more moderate than the demands of the Tver nobility and focused on the introduction of a constitutional system in Russia as a distant prospect.

In an effort to go beyond local interests and associations, liberal figures held in the late 70s. several general zemstvo congresses, to which the government reacted rather neutrally. Only in 1880 leaders of liberalism S.A. Muromtsev, V.Yu. Skalon, A. A. Chuprov turned to M. T. Loris-Melikov with an appeal to introduce constitutional principles.

In the conditions of the political crisis at the turn of the 50s and 60s. stepped up their activities revolutionary democrats - radical wing of the opposition. Since 1859, the ideological center of this trend has been the Sovremennik magazine, which was led by N. G. Chernyshevsky(1828-1889) and Ya. A. Dobrolyubov (1836-1861).

A. I. Herzen and N. G. Chernyshevsky in the early 60s. formulated concept of revolutionary populism(Russian socialism), combining the social utopianism of the French socialists with the rebellious movement of the Russian peasantry.

The intensification of peasant unrest during the reform period of 1986 gave radical leaders hope for the possibility of a peasant revolution in Russia. Revolutionary democrats distributed leaflets and proclamations that contained calls on peasants, students, soldiers, and dissenters to prepare for the struggle (“Bow to the lordly peasants from their well-wishers,” “To the younger generation,” “Velikorusa” and “Young Russia”).

The agitation of the leaders of the democratic camp had a certain impact on the development and expansion student movement. In Kazan in April 1861, there was a performance by students of the university and theological academy, who held a demonstrative memorial service for the peasants killed in the village of Bezdna, Spassky district, Kazan province. In the fall of 1861, the student movement swept St. Petersburg, Moscow and Kazan, and student street demonstrations took place in both capitals. The formal reason for the unrest was issues of internal university life, but their political nature manifested itself in the struggle against the authorities.

At the end of 1861 - beginning of 1862, a group of populist revolutionaries (N. A. Serno-Solovyovich, M. L. Mikhailov, N. N. Obruchev, A. A. Sleptsov, N. V. Shelgunov) created the first after the defeat Decembrists conspiratorial revolutionary organization of all-Russian significance. Its inspirers were Herzen and Chernyshevsky. The organization was named "Land and Freedom". She was engaged in the distribution of illegal literature and was preparing for the uprising scheduled for 1863.

In mid-1862, the government, having secured the support of the liberals, launched a broad repressive campaign against the revolutionary democrats. Sovremennik was closed (until 1863). Recognized leaders of radicals - N. G. Chernyshevsky, N. A. Serno-Solovyevich and D. I. Pisarev were arrested. Accused of drawing up a proclamation and preparing anti-government protests; Chernyshevsky was sentenced in February 1864 to 14 years of hard labor and permanent settlement in Siberia. Serno-Solovyevich was also exiled forever to Siberia and died there in 1866. Pisarev served four years in the Peter and Paul Fortress, was released under police supervision and soon drowned.

After the arrest of its leaders and the failure of plans for an armed uprising prepared by the branches of “Land and Freedom” in the Volga region, its Central People’s Committee in the spring of 1864 decided to suspend the activities of the organization.

In the 60s on the wave of rejection of the existing order, the ideology spread among student youth nihilism. Denying philosophy, art, morality, and religion, the nihilists called themselves materialists and preached “egoism based on reason.”

At the same time, under the influence of socialist ideas, the novel by N. G. Chernyshevsky “What is to be done?” (1862) artels, workshops, and communes arose, hoping to prepare for the socialist transformation of society through the development of collective labor. Having failed, they disintegrated or switched to illegal activities.

In the fall of 1863 in Moscow, under the influence of “Land and Freedom,” a circle arose under the leadership of a commoner N. A. Ishutina, which by 1865 had turned into a fairly large underground organization with a branch in St. Petersburg (headed by I.A. Khudyakov). On April 4, 1866, Ishutin resident D.V. Karakozov made an unsuccessful attempt on the life of Alexander II. The entire Ishutin organization was destroyed, Karakozov was hanged, nine members of the organization, including Ishutin and Khudyakov, were sent to hard labor. The magazines “Sovremennik” and “Russkoe Slovo” were closed.

In 1871, Russian society was outraged by the murder of student Ivanov, a member of a radical underground organization "People's Massacre". He was killed for disobeying the leader of the organization, S. G. Nechaev. Nechaev built his “Massacre” on the basis of personal dictatorship and the justification of any means in the name of revolutionary goals. The trial of the Nechaevites began the era of political trials (more than 80 in total), which became an integral part of public life until the early 80s.

In the 70s There were several similar movements of utopian socialism, called “populism”. The populists believed that thanks to the peasant community (“a cell of socialism”) and the qualities of the communal peasant (“a revolutionary by instinct,” a “born communist”), Russia would be able to make a direct transition. to the socialist system. The views of the theorists of populism (M. A. Bakunin, P. L. Lavrov, N. K. Mikhailovsky, P. N. Tkachev) differed on issues of tactics, but they all saw the main obstacle to socialism in state power and believed that the secret organization , the revolutionary leaders must rouse the people to revolt and lead them to victory.

At the turn of the 60-70s. Numerous populist circles arose. Among them stood out "Tchaikovsky" society(N.V. Tchaikovsky, A.I. Zhelyabov, P.A. Kropotkin, S.L. Perovskaya, etc.). Members of the society conducted propaganda among peasants and workers, and then headed “going to the people.”

In the spring of 1874, thousands of participants in populist organizations went to the villages. Most of them set as their goal the speedy preparation of a peasant uprising. They held meetings, talked about the oppression of the people, and called for “not to obey the authorities.” “Walking among the people” continued for several years and covered more than 50 provinces of Russia. Many populists settled in the villages as teachers, doctors, etc. However, their calls did not find a response, the peasants often betrayed the propagandists to the authorities.The government attacked the populists with a new wave of repression, and in October 1877 - January 1878 the trial of the populists took place (“the trial of the 193s”).

At the end of 1876 - arose new, centralized all-Russian organization of populists "Land and Freedom". Kekspirative-. center (L. G. Deych, V. I. Zasulich, S. M. Kravchinsky, A. D. Mikhailov, M. A. Natanson, S. L. Perovskaya, G. V. Plekhanov, V. N. Figner) led the activities of individual “Land and Freedom” groups in no less than 15 major cities of the country. Soon, two trends arose in the organization: some were inclined to continue propaganda work, others considered terrorist activity to be the only way to bring the revolution closer. In August 1879 the final disintegration occurred. Supporters of propaganda united in the “Black Redistribution”, supporters of terror - in the “People's Will”. “Black redistribution”, uniting circles in Moscow, St. Petersburg and other cities, existed until 1881. By this time, all its members either emigrated (Plekhanov, Zasulich, Deitch), or moved away from the revolutionary movement, or moved to “People's Will”.

“People's Will” united circles of students, workers, and officers. The strictly secret leadership included A.I. Zhelyabov, A.I. Barannikov, A.A. Kvyatkovsky, N. N. Kolodkevich, A. D. Mikhailov, N. A. Morozov, S. L. Perovskaya, V. N. Figner, M. F. Frolenko. In 1879, the Narodnaya Volya members, hoping to cause a political crisis and rouse the people, committed a number of terrorist acts. The death sentence of Alexander II was handed down by the Executive Committee of “Narodnaya Volya” in August 1879. After several unsuccessful attempts March 1, 1881 In St. Petersburg, Alexander II was mortally wounded by a bomb thrown by Narodnaya Volya member I. I. Grinevitsky.

The social movement during the reign of Alexander III experienced a decline. Under conditions of government persecution and repression against dissent, the editor of Moskovskie Vedomosti and Russky Vestnik acquired great influence. M. N. Katkov. He is in the 40-50s. was close to moderate liberals, and in the 60s he became an ardent supporter of the protective movement. Fully sharing the political ideals of Alexander III, Katkov in the 80s. reaches the zenith of his fame and political power, becoming the ideological inspirer of the new government course. The editor of the magazine “Citizen”, Prince V.P. Meshchersky, was also the mouthpiece of the official direction. Alexander III patronized Meshchersky, providing behind-the-scenes financial support for his magazine.

The inability to resist the protective policy of the autocracy revealed the weakness of the liberal movement. After March 1, 1881, liberal figures addressed Alexander III, condemned the terrorist activities of the revolutionaries and expressed hope for “the completion of the great work of state renewal.” Despite the fact that the hope was not justified and the government went on the offensive against the liberal press and the rights of zemstvo institutions, the liberal movement did not turn into an opposition movement. However, in the 90s. There is a gradual demarcation within the Zemstvo-liberal movement. Democratic sentiments are intensifying among zemstvo doctors, teachers, and statisticians. This led to constant conflicts between the zemstvos and the local administration.

The democratization of the public education system, the emergence of a large number of specialists with higher education from the nobility and commoners significantly expanded the circle intelligentsia. The Russian intelligentsia is a unique phenomenon in the social life of Russia, the emergence of which can be dated back to the 30-40s. XIX century This is a small layer of society, closely associated with social groups professionally engaged in mental work (intellectuals), but does not merge with them. The distinctive features of the intelligentsia were their high level of ideology and a principled focus on active opposition to traditional government principles, based on a rather peculiar perception of Western ideas. As N.A. Berdyaev noted, “what in the West was a scientific theory, subject to criticism by a hypothesis or, in any case, a relative, partial truth, not claiming universality, among Russian intellectuals turned into dogmatics, into something like a religious inspiration." In this environment, various directions of social thought developed.

In the second half of the 50s. Glasnost was the first manifestation of the “thaw” that came soon after the accession of Alexander II. December 3, 1855 was The Supreme Censorship Committee is closed, Censorship rules have been relaxed. Publications have become widespread in Russia “Free Russian Printing House”, created by A I. Herzen in London. In July 1855, the first issue of the collection “Polar Star” was published, named by Herzen in memory of the almanac of the same name by the Decembrists Ryleev and Bestuzhev. In July 1857, Herzen, together with N. P. Ogarev began publishing a review newspaper "Bell"(1857-1867), which, despite the official ban, was illegally imported into Russia in large quantities and was a huge success. This was greatly facilitated by the relevance of the published materials and the literary skill of their authors. In 1858, historian B. N. Chicherin declared to Herzen: “You are strength, you are power in the Russian state.” Proclaiming the idea of ​​liberation of the peasantry, A.I. Herzen declared: “Whether this liberation is “from above” or “from below,” we will be for it,” which provoked criticism from both liberals and revolutionary democrats.

2.4 Polish uprising of 1863

In 1860-1861 A wave of mass demonstrations swept across the entire Kingdom of Poland in memory of the anniversary of the uprising of 1830. One of the largest was the demonstration in Warsaw in February 1861, to disperse which the government used troops. Martial law was introduced in Poland, mass arrests were carried out. At the same time, certain concessions were made: the State Council was restored, the university in Warsaw was reopened, etc. In this situation, secret youth circles arose, calling on the urban population for an armed uprising. Polish society was divided into two parties: supporters of the uprising were called “Reds.” “Whites” - landowners and the big bourgeoisie - hoped to achieve the restoration of independent Poland through diplomatic means.

In the first half of 1862, the circles were united into a single rebel organization headed by the Central National Committee - the conspiratorial center for preparing the uprising (Ya; Dombrowski, Z. Padlevsky, S. Sierakowski, etc.). The program of the Central Committee included the liquidation of estates, the transfer of the land they cultivated to the peasants, the restoration of independent Poland within the borders of 1772, giving the population of Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine the right to decide their own fate.

The uprising in Poland broke out on January 22, 1863. The immediate cause was the decision of the authorities to conduct a recruitment drive in Polish cities and towns in mid-January 1863, using pre-prepared lists of persons suspected of revolutionary activity. The Reds' Central Committee decided to move immediately. Military operations developed spontaneously. The “Whites” who soon came to lead the uprising relied on the support of Western European powers. Despite a note from England and France demanding an end to the bloodshed in Poland, the suppression of the uprising continued. Prussia supported Russia. Russian troops under the command of General F. F. Berg entered the fight against rebel troops in Poland. In Lithuania and Belarus, the troops were led by the Vilna Governor-General M. N. Muravyov (“The Hangman”).

On March 1, Alexander II abolished temporary obligatory relations among peasants and reduced quitrent payments by 2.0% in Lithuania, Belarus and Western Ukraine. Taking the agrarian decrees of the Polish rebels as a basis, the government announced land reform during military operations. Having lost the support of the peasantry as a result, the Polish uprising suffered a final defeat by the autumn of 1864.

2.5 Labor movement

Labor movement 60s was not significant. Cases of passive resistance and protest predominated - filing complaints or simply fleeing factories. Due to serfdom traditions and the lack of special labor legislation, a strict regime of exploitation of hired labor was established. Over time, workers increasingly began to organize strikes, especially at large enterprises. The usual demands were to reduce fines, increase wages, and improve working conditions. Since the 70s The labor movement is gradually growing. Along with unrest that is not accompanied by cessation of work, filing of collective complaints, etc., the number of strikes involving large industrial enterprises is growing: 1870 - Nevsky Paper Mill in St. Petersburg, 1871-1872. - Putilovsky, Semyannikovsky and Aleksandrovsky factories; 1878-1879 - A new paper spinning mill and a number of other enterprises in St. Petersburg. Strikes were sometimes suppressed with the help of troops, and workers were put on trial.

Unlike the peasant labor movement, it was more organized. The activities of the populists played a significant role in the creation of the first workers' circles. Already in 1875 under the leadership of former student E. O. Zaslavsky, arose in Odessa “South Russian Workers' Union”(destroyed by the authorities at the end of the same year). Under the influence of St. Petersburg strikes and unrest, it took shape “Northern Union of Russian Workers”(1878-1880) led by V.P. Obnorsky and S.N. Khalturin. The unions carried out propaganda among the workers and set as their goal a revolutionary struggle “against the existing political and economic system” and behind- establishment of socialist relations. The Northern Union actively collaborated with Earth and Freedom. After the arrest of the leaders, the organization disintegrated.

Industrial crisis of the early 80s. and the depression that followed it gave rise to mass unemployment and poverty. Enterprise owners widely practiced mass layoffs, lowering prices for work, increasing fines, and deteriorating working and living conditions for workers. Cheap female and child labor was widely used. There were no restrictions on the length of the working day. There was no labor protection, which led to an increase in accidents. At the same time, there were no benefits for injuries or insurance for workers.

In the first half of the 80s. The government, trying to prevent the escalation of conflicts, took on the role of mediator between employees and entrepreneurs. First of all, the most malicious forms of exploitation were eliminated by law. On June 1, 1882, the use of child labor was limited, and a factory inspection was introduced to oversee the implementation of this law. In 1884, a law was introduced on school education for children working in factories. On June 3, 1885, a law was passed “On the prohibition of night work for minors and women in factories and manufactories.”

Economic strikes and labor unrest in the early 1980s. generally did not extend beyond individual enterprises. Played an important role in the development of the mass labor movement strike at Morozov's Nikolskaya manufactory (Orekhov-Zuevo) V January 1885 In About 8 thousand people took part in it. The strike was organized in advance. The workers presented demands not only to the owner of the enterprise (changes in the system of fines, dismissal procedures, etc.), but also to the government (introduction of state control over the situation of workers, adoption of legislation on conditions of employment). The government took measures to end the strike (more than 600 people were deported to their homeland, 33 were put on trial) and at the same time put pressure on the factory owners to satisfy individual labor demands and prevent future unrest.

The trial of the leaders of the Morozov strike took place in May 1886 and revealed facts of the grossest arbitrariness of the administration. The workers were acquitted by a jury. Under the influence of the Morozov strike, the government adopted 3 June 1885 law “On the supervision of factory establishments and the mutual relations of factory owners and workers.” The law partially regulated the procedure for hiring and firing workers, somewhat streamlined the system of fines, and established penalties for participating in strikes. The rights and responsibilities of the factory inspection were expanded and provincial presences were created for factory affairs. The echo of the Morozov strike was a strike wave at industrial enterprises in the Moscow and Vladimir provinces, St. Petersburg, and Donbass.

Revolutionary movement in the 80s - early 90s. characterized primarily by the decline of populism and the spread of Marxism in Russia. Disparate groups of Narodnaya Volya continued to operate even after the defeat of the Executive Committee of “Narodnaya Volya” in 1884, defending individual terror as a means of struggle. But even these groups included social democratic ideas in their programs. This was, for example, the circle of P. Ya. Shevyrev - A. I. Ulyanov / organized on March 1, 1887. unsuccessful assassination attempt on Alexander III. 15 members of the circle were arrested and put on trial. Five, including A. Ulyanov, were sentenced to death. The idea of ​​a bloc with liberals and a renunciation of the revolutionary struggle is becoming increasingly popular among the populists. Disappointment with populism and the study of the experience of European social democracy led some revolutionaries to Marxism.

On September 25, 1883, former members of the “Black Redistribution” who emigrated to Switzerland (P. B. Axelrod, G. V. Plekhanov, L. G. Deitch, V. I. Zasulich, V. I. Ignatov) created in Geneva social democratic group “Liberation of Labor” and in September of the same year they announced the beginning of the publication of the “Library of Modern Socialism”. The Liberation of Labor group laid the foundations Russian social democratic movement. The activities of G. V. Plekhanova(1856-1918). In 1882, he translated the “Manifesto of the Communist Party” into Russian. In his works “Socialism and Political Struggle” (1883) and “Our Differences” (1885), G. V. Plekhanov criticized the views of the populists, denied Russia’s readiness for a socialist revolution and called for the creation of a social democratic party and the preparation of a bourgeois democratic revolution and the creation of socio-economic prerequisites for socialism.

Since the mid-80s. in Russia the first social democratic circles of students and workers arise: “Party of Russian Social Democrats” by D. N. Blagoev (1883-1887), “Association of St. Petersburg Craftsmen” by P. V. Tochissky (1885-1888), group N E. Fedoseev in Kazan (1888-1889), “Social Democratic Society” by M. I. Brusnev (1889-1892).

At the turn of the 80-90s. Social Democratic groups existed in Kyiv, Kharkov, Odessa, Minsk, Tula, Ivanovo-Voznesensk, Vilna, Rostov-on-Don, Tiflis and other cities.

The results of the policy of the government of Nicholas I on the peasant issue cannot be underestimated. As a result of the thirty-year “trench war” against serfdom, the autocracy managed not only to soften the most odious manifestations of serfdom, but also significantly closer to their elimination. Society became more convinced of the need to free the peasants. Seeing the government’s persistence, the nobility gradually got used to this idea. In secret committees and commissions, in the ministries of internal affairs and state property, cadres of future reformers were forged, and general approaches to the coming transformations were developed.

But otherwise, with regard to administrative changes and economic reforms (with the exception of the monetary reform of E.F. Krankin), no significant changes occurred.

Russia still remained a feudal state, lagging behind Western countries on a number of indicators.

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