National patriotism and liberal individualism. Patriotism cannot be a national idea

... Twenty years ago, in the summer of 1996, Boris Yeltsin, re-elected President of Russia, announced the need to develop "such a national idea" that would be "the most important for Russia." At that time, it seemed to many that the saving idea for the country should be created by political augurs and alchemists, that this was some kind of magical technology. And such an organic, natural phenomenon as patriotism was seen as something irrelevant and even dangerous ...

Photo - YAY / TASS

Here is an excursion into the recent past. Starting from the second half of the 1980s, the motives of exposure and repentance became the main ones on the agenda. The rulers of thoughts paid everyone's attention to the negative aspects of our history, our then system. An outsider, depressive psychology was imposed on society, a national inferiority complex developed.

What kind of patriotism is there! In the 1990s, a bet was made on radical individualism, on personal enterprise. We got a society of contrasts. We were taught to pray for private interests, to despise the state. The absurdity was that it was often the state officials themselves who taught this. "Private above public!" - this principle was inculcated as a shrine.

During this period, patriotism was discarded as unnecessary. The very definition of "patriotic" has become the property of the opposition, not the authorities. The opposition practically did not have access to the central media - and patriotism was presented as a marginal phenomenon. The strife between “democrats” and “patriots” accompanied the collapse of the state, it was during this period that our country became weaker ...

Fortunately, society has not lost the need for a unifying beginning. It is quite logical that this is the deepest feeling that unites people different ages, religions, nationalities and cultures. This feeling is love for the Motherland. In other words, patriotism. “We don’t have and can’t have any other unifying idea other than patriotism…” Vladimir Putin. It's hard to argue with that.

Let's try to understand this phenomenon.

Patriotic views are organically inherent in a person - as a member of society, as a citizen of the state, as a successor to the family tree. It seems to be indisputable: we love the Motherland, we try to protect it, serve it, strengthen and enrich it, including for future generations. Separating oneself from the community is a dangerous, reckless delusion.

At one time, the current freedom lover Mikhail Kasyanov, being prime minister, he was imposingly indignant that our history textbooks were not yet completely liberal, that for some reason they were talking about a nationwide victory, about the “working people” ...

But time shows that a solidarity society is being revived in Russia, for which “nationwide victory” is not empty words. The country is overcoming the inertia of disintegration.

We have a proverb: "Die from your native land - do not leave." What does this mean? A creative person is not a tumbleweed. To build something significant, to leave a strong and kind memory of yourself on earth, you need to rely on the foundation of your native culture. You need to know and love the Fatherland. In any foreign culture, even the most receptive of us will not be able to realize our full potential. And therefore, patriotism is associated with the strategy of personal success, but is incompatible with aggressive, predatory individualism.

Love for the Motherland does not mean that we will stop noticing our shortcomings, that we will fall into swagger or begin to hate our neighbors ... In the Russian tradition for a long time true patriotism distinguished from false. Words will always be relevant Peter Vyazemsky, published already in 1827:

“Many recognize for patriotism the unconditional praise of everything that is their own. Turgot called this lackey patriotism, du patriotisme d'antichambre. We could call it leavened patriotism. I believe that love for the fatherland should be blind in sacrificing to it, but not in conceited complacency.

In the early 1990s, the following idea also dominated: patriotism does not need to be "artificially nurtured", it does not need to be educated. He is inherent in people without it. In schools, it was supposed to bring up only civic consciousness and tolerance. The result was a puff. Under the talk of tolerance, the achievements of the friendship of peoples have been lost, they have not received any civil self-consciousness, and patriotic education on state level in recent years, it has been necessary to restore in a fire order ...

It turns out that patriotism does not grow like weeds - by itself. It should be thoughtfully cultivated to be enlightened, creative. This is what the president says: "It is necessary that this enters the consciousness." IN otherwise the initiative from the state is intercepted by radicals - both domestic and foreign coinage.

It is patriotism that unites the past, present and future. An example of this is last year's action "Immortal Regiment". The idea of ​​Victory for us is more than just a memory of the war.

This is a lesson in overcoming, a lesson in perseverance and purposefulness. A lesson in patriotism. We need it not only in military affairs, but also in any serious undertaking.

We really don't have any other unifying idea. Although this - love for the Fatherland - is invincible.

Proven by history.

Arseny ZAMOSTYANOV


So, in everything stated above, one of the fundamental problems of modern society is posed, which can be called tolerance versus identity. Indeed, the processes of formation of tolerance and identity are analytically opposite. In practice, this means that tolerance is not just
dangerous, but, even worse, perceived as a danger to the existence of identity; and group identity is stigmatized by a liberal society as a potentially conflict-generating phenomenon. The solutions described above to this problem, however, are not really solutions.
Indeed, on the one hand, if a society should limit tolerance in order to protect identity (what nationalists, conservatives and "patriots" of various stripes offer today), it will be fatally unfair. The thing is that globalization and a multicultural society are not someone's diabolical invention - it is a completely objective reality in which, one way or another, everyone can live - anti-globalists, conservatives, and "patriots". If we talk about Russia, then even the most patriotic of all Russian nationalists cannot deny the multicultural, multinational character of this country. And what: to limit tolerance for the sake of the unity of identity? Which of the many? And why exactly this one? Moreover, such a defense of identity presupposes the existence of one official ideology, like the famous Uvarov triad “Orthodoxy. Autocracy. Narodnost”, some notorious “Russian idea”, etc. State, i.e. “state-protected” identity will necessarily be ideologically “loaded”, including completely certain values, provisions, “unconditionally true” dogmas, national myths, a single morality for all, etc. However, we have to state that, firstly, this is simply impossible. Modern secular society (and, whatever one may say, even Russia today is such) has lost the ability to generate mobilizing ideologies with a serious claim to the truth. This means that all attempts to artificially invent such an ideology are doomed to failure in advance. In addition, and this is the second, such attempts are simply dangerous. Modern society (and again Russia is no exception here) is characterized by the most radical pluralism, including “pluralism of values” (value-pluralism). Various kinds of minorities (ethnic, religious, racial, sexual, etc.) profess different, in many aspects, diametrically opposed value systems. A simple example: such fundamental values ​​as freedom, equality, security and justice very often contradict each other. The pluralism of value systems, which rank these values ​​in different ways, makes a society with a “loaded” ideology explosive. One cannot, in fact, seriously count on the fact that, on the basis of
forceful suppression of the disaffected, you can create some kind of stable developing society. But this is exactly what attempts to create a "national ideology" lead to. For there will be many dissatisfied, since the identities of various minorities in this state of affairs will be even more unprotected than under a regime of liberal tolerance. The ideology will, of course, reflect the value orientations of the majority, turning all other members of such a society into "second-class citizens." When analyzing here, one should also take into account the fact that, in addition to the “traditional” minorities that have at least some common history with the majority, modern societies are becoming a new home for numerous migrants, such common history not having. Banning migration, closing borders and other emergency measures are suicidal, especially in the face of negative population growth and a simple shortage of unskilled labor. Meanwhile, the state, which develops and implements the official “value-laden” ideology, in the presence of a constant influx of foreign labor, prevents the inclusion of these (and many other) minorities in the “greater society” (after all, it is unlikely that the children of Chinese or Tajik immigrants to Russia, studying the Orthodox law of God at school, will consider Russia their real home, and Orthodoxy the religion of their ancestors). The result will not be slow to affect - the "marginalized" minorities of "second-class citizens" will become an excellent breeding ground for the worsening of the criminal situation, which the authorities will not be able to cope with any increase in budget allocations for national security. Thus, the political orientation towards the creation of a state identity, an official ideology, etc. in a multicultural society in general and in Russia in particular, it can lead to a kind of “crystallization” of the social environment, in which there will be no place for those who are pushed to its borders, and therefore potentially criminal minorities.
On the other hand, the approach of classical liberalism, which chooses tolerance over group identity, sins with utopianism and, as a result, again with inattention to minorities. Power, according to this point of view, considers only the individual to be the bearer of certain rights, and, ideally, should be "neutral" in relation to various group interests. Meanwhile, as the theorists of multiculturalism have repeatedly noted, such “neutrality” turns out to be an extremely disguised tyranny of the majority. From this point of view, power simply cannot but express
certain group interests (in a democratic society, the interests of the majority), cannot but affect the existence of various group identities. Indeed, even states that claim to be neutral will have an official language, state standard in education, national media and other "nation-building" tools. In this situation, various minorities (not only as groups, but also as individuals that make up these groups), one way or another, turn out to be “victims”, which again does not at all contribute to their effective inclusion in the “larger” society. Moreover, besides these completely empirical considerations, there is also a doubt of a more fundamental, theoretical nature, namely, a doubt as to whether an individual can do without any group identification that is important for him. Or otherwise, is a stable individual identity possible without a group or sociocultural identity? In the end, any person identifies himself as a member of one or another group, and, most often, several groups at the same time: such as, for example, a heterosexual ethnically Russian woman, an Orthodox denomination, a sociologist by profession, etc. And group identity is important for the individual not as the result of his individual choice, that is, not as part of an individual identity, but precisely as such, as a group identity. No sincerely believing person will say that Orthodoxy (or Catholicism, or Islam) is what he himself, as an autonomous entity, has chosen, and therefore, for him, the differences between him and a member of another group can in no way be reduced to individual differences. . But if this is so, then the very choice of a person as an individual is largely determined by his group affiliation. Group identity in this case is not a kind of “add-on” to individual identity, but is an essential, constitutive part of this latter. Hence, the individual cannot effectively exercise his individual freedom (or, if you like, his autonomy) if his identity as a member of the group is threatened. The individual, after all, is never "only" an individual, he is - always and in a rather significant way - a member of a group.

Test: Matvey Vologzhanin


Patriotism is one of the almost instinctive feelings of man. The presence of this quality in us, alas, as always, is very vulgarly explained by biological laws. Here tigers would be very bad patriots, cows too, but wolves, on the contrary, would make wonderful sons of the fatherland.

The fact is that a person was originally adapted to exist in related flock groups (not very large, most likely - 6–10 people each: pairs of parents with grown children). Our methods of nutrition and self-defense were ideally suited for just such a design. At the same time, the mutual affection of members of one flock is so great with us that a person is ready to take significant risks in the name of saving relatives. And this strategy turned out to be the most advantageous for us.


For example, in ruminants that graze in large herds (buffalo, antelopes, gazelles), the “die, but protect your own” strategy turns out to be losing. James Gordon Russell, who has long studied the behavior of wildebeests in the Serengeti, repeatedly noted cases when individual animals, instead of running away from the lions that hunted them, went on a frontal attack. Two or three antelopes, each weighing a quarter of a ton, could well trample down a predator with sharp hooves and injure him. If the whole huge herd would join the actions of the “wrong” wildebeest, only a dark spot on the dusty land of the savannah would remain from the arrogant cats. However, the herd rushed at full speed away from the place of the fight. And even if the daredevils prevailed over the lions, they paid too dearly for it. Russell marked antelope fighters and saw that the wounds received often led to the exhaustion of the animal, its death, or, at least, to a complete fiasco on love front. Cowardly and swift-footed selfish individuals lived much longer and multiplied much more abundantly. Therefore, patriotism is unprofitable for ruminants, just as it is not suitable for large predators, who need a large area for hunting in sole possession to feed.

In our country, those who survived and won were those who knew how to fight shoulder to shoulder with members of their flock, ready to take risks and even sacrifice. Groups grew, turned into tribes, into settlements, into the first proto-states - and in the end, we profited and won to such an extent that we created a civilization.

The one who is not with them, the one who carved us!

Children are the best patriots.
Adolescents aged 8–18 are most receptive to the ideas of patriotism. At this age, a person already has an instinct to protect the pack, but there is still no family or children, the responsibility for which makes parents be more careful and selfish. A teenager is much stronger than an adult is inclined to be guided by the concepts of "one's own" - "alien". An interesting study on this topic was published by American sociologists who studied the 10 million audience of the online game World of Warcraft. In this game, participants can choose one of two factions - "Alliance" or "Horde". Players of different factions cannot communicate with each other in the game, but they can attack members of the opposite faction. According to polls, the majority of players under the age of 18 rate those who play for the opposite faction as "dumb, evil, mean, dishonorable and disgusting", and players of their own side as "smart, friendly, interesting, decent and good".
The older the respondents were, the greater the proportion of their responses was occupied by statements like "both factions play in general the same people" and "behavior depends on the person, not on the faction."


Greek beginning

"Patriotism" - the word Greek origin, "patria" literally translates as "fatherland", and the concept itself arose just in the era of the Greek city-states. Why did it not exist before, when, as we have seen, the phenomenon itself is a thing as ancient as the human race? Because there was no need. Before the Greeks, the idea of ​​patriotism was tied by the then ideologues mainly to symbols (usually to the symbol of their god or king) as the official embodiment of a deity, or with a weak influence of religion on public life, as in northern peoples or in China, to the idea of ​​"blood", that is, to a sense of community with representatives of one's tribe, people who speak the same language and belong to the same people.


The Greeks, who created a civilization of city-states, desperately butting each other, on this ideological front had full seams. All of them - and the Spartans, and the Athenians and the Sybarites, and the Cretans - were Greeks. All had the same pantheon of gods (although each city chose one or two favorites who were considered its special patrons), and as a result Greek mythology turned into a description of endless skirmishes between the gods: Apollo and Ares, Aphrodite and Hera, Athena and Poseidon, etc. As for the kings, they simply did not exist in most cities, and where they did exist, the democratically minded Greeks are less of all were inclined to deify them.


Therefore, they had to look for a different ideological base. And they very quickly found it, proclaiming patriotism as the first human virtue - the willingness to sacrifice one's interests not for the sake of sunny Mitra, not for the glory of the great Ashurbanipal, but simply for the sake of their fellow citizens, their city, their beloved sunny Athens with their silvery olive groves and an old a mother sitting in a modest tunic at a spinning wheel and waiting for her son with a victory ...

This type of patriotism is now called "polis patriotism." (By the way, when the Greeks began to fight regularly with the Persians, their polis patriotism was temporarily, but very quickly replaced by national patriotism, and the then speakers, all these Herodotus, Thucydides and Ctesias, very quickly learned phrases like “great Hellas”, “stinking Persians” and “in unity is our strength.”)


The greatest patriots are the Romans

Hellenic ancient norms of ethics, as we know, were taken by the Romans at times more seriously than they were taken by the Greeks themselves. From the point of view of the Greek, a patriot is one who regularly pays taxes, participates in public life, does not violate the laws and exposes cavalry and foot soldiers from his home to the army in case of war. In the era of the Roman Republic, patriotism was synonymous with the word "glory" and was revered above personal valor.


For the Romans, the absolute hero was not Hercules or some other Perseus who would have amused himself by spending his life in various interesting exploits, but Curtius. This semi-mythological character was a fifteen-year-old youth who, having learned that the smoking bottomless crack that crossed Rome after the earthquake, can only be got rid of by throwing there the most expensive thing that is in Rome, shouting: “The most expensive thing in Rome is its patriotic sons. !" - jumped into the crevice along with the horse (the horse, according to the myth, was a so-so patriot, because he tried weakly to recoil before the abyss, but his trick didn’t pass). Blind obedience to the law, renunciation of one's own "I" and readiness to give everything in the name of Rome, including one's own children, is the ideal program of Roman patriotism. This ideology turned out to be the most successful for the aggressor nation: tiny Rome subjugated all of Italy, and then three-quarters of Europe, the Mediterranean and a large part of Asia and Africa. (And then the Romans had to change their national patriotism to imperial, much weaker and unreliable.)


Until now, the patriotism of the era of the Roman Republic is considered a commodity of the highest grade, and many ideologists of statehood today dream in the depths of their souls that the capricious, selfish and lazy idiots called their people would go somewhere, and in return millions of true Romans*.


« Probably, I am also an ideologue of statehood. Moreover, without millions of Romans, I would have completely managed - the first point of the program would already suit me enough. Although I may just be moping: winter, lack of vitamins ... »


Christianity is unpatriotic

At first, Christians were active opponents of patriotism in any form. At best, they agreed to give to Caesar what is Caesar's, that is, to pay taxes, but they were still deeply convinced that there is no Greek, no Jew, no Scythian, no barbarian, but only the kingdom of God, in the presence of which any earthly states - dust and ashes. "Any foreign country is a fatherland for them, and any fatherland is a foreign country." There was no question of a Christian going to serve in the army, for any murder is a sin, this is quite clearly and clearly stated in the Gospel. Of course, the Roman Empire fought Christianity as best it could, for such an infection is capable of cutting through the most iron foundations of the state in a matter of years.


But, as it turned out, Christianity turned out to be a very plastic thing. Firstly, it broke up into several directions, which were not a sin to fight with each other; secondly, it turned into an excellent weapon for inspiring peoples to fight against the filthy non-Christs, of whom, thank God, there were still in abundance in all Asia, Africa and the Americas. As for “Thou shalt not kill,” they managed to gracefully circumvent this issue: after all, one cannot seriously take ideal, but unattainable norms (although any early Christian would have had enough of a relative if he saw a modern priest busily consecrating an anti-aircraft missile system ). As for the Orthodox Church, which initially staked on proximity to secular authorities, here patriotism is a virtue not only not discussed, but simply obligatory.


Critics and the flirtatious state

In the pair "patriot - country" the latter behaves like an inveterate coquette. You must love her and be ready to sacrifice yourself in her name. For her, you are nothing. Moreover, the more insignificant cog you feel yourself, the more patriotic your essence (“Let me die, but my death is nothing compared to the prosperity of the motherland”). You are a booger, you are zero, you are a trifle, "the voice of one is thinner than a squeak" *).

* - Note Phacochoerus "a Funtik:
« Mayakovsky wrote this when he compared the individual and the party. They say that when he first rumbled these lines with his thunderous bass at a poetry evening, people crawled out of their chairs there. »


The Fatherland has every right to melancholy crunch, chew and digest you, and all other patriots will only welcome this if they consider that what they eat has benefited the body as a whole. This skewed relationship was very clearly expressed by James Joyce in his famous phrase: "I will not die for Ireland, let Ireland die for me!" (For this phrase, IRA supporters now dislike James Joyce very much.)



Patriotism manifests itself most dangerously where power in the popular imagination is a kind of quintessence of the state. Republican Romans, who perceived their elected bosses as hired servants, were in little danger in this case: they endlessly argued about what was most beneficial for Rome, and, in general, kept power in a tight grip. But where power was traditionally hereditary, despotic, where the king-priest was a symbol of the country, there the loyal patriotism of the majority of the population allowed rare outrages to occur, often dangerous not only for the inhabitants of the country, but also for the fate of the state itself.


Therefore, since the Enlightenment, there have been thinkers who have tried to modify the idea of ​​patriotism - undoubtedly the most useful for the survival of society, but fraught with the most unpleasant complications. Kant, Montesquieu, Voltaire, Hobbes, Henry Thoreau - dozens and hundreds of smartest minds tried to develop the norms of a new patriotism. And as a result, they all came to the conclusion that a true patriot not only does not have to be blind and obedient, but his first duty should be to look for spots in the sun. In order to bring your fatherland to the ideal, you need to watch him more strictly than a teenage girl - instantly stopping, albeit at the risk of life, any of his attempts to behave dangerously, stupidly or erroneously. This is how the phenomenon of “critical patriotism” arose, in which a person not only does not praise his country, but, on the contrary, meticulously examines it under a magnifying glass and yells in a loud voice when he notices some kind of filth. One of the program works of this direction was the work American writer Henry Thoreau "On the duty of civil disobedience", in which he called the first duty of a citizen and patriot a categorical refusal to comply with "wrong", "disastrous" laws for the country.


Critical patriots are always in favor of maximum freedom of the press. For the vigilant supervision of society over the work of officials at all levels. For the honest teaching of history, no matter how vile the role of the fatherland may look in some cases, for only such knowledge will give society immunity from repeating mistakes.

Usually the authorities, and indeed the majority of the country's inhabitants, do not like critics of patriots and call them enemies of the people. They are sure that love should be blind and unreasoning and perceive criticism as a humiliation of their ideals, as a betrayal.

It is not necessary to hope that both these types of patriots will ever come to an agreement.

Not a patriot means a schizophrenic

In the USSR, where, as we know, there were no political prisoners, psychiatrists developed an interesting concept that any person who criticizes his state is mentally ill. This theory was recognized as the only correct one, and there are still psychiatrists who share these beliefs in every possible way. Here is how, for example, a well-known psychiatrist, a representative of the “old school” Tatyana Krylatova, explains the situation: “Love requires a lot of emotional costs. And a schizophrenic with emotionality big problems. And they begin to reject what is most energetically costly for them - love. This internal conflict causes aggression. The same thing happens in relation to the Motherland. Here, again, there is rejection, a person ceases to include his macrosociety in the category of “mine” and treats the Motherland negatively.”


Modern patriots

IN modern world the attitude to the concept of "patriotism" has changed a lot since the time of the Romans. Painfully close to him hang such unpleasant words as "chauvinism", "Nazism" and "xenophobia". Nevertheless, it is not necessary to argue that the time of the patriots has passed: they still have a lot of things to do on this planet.

Even in Europe, which is still shaking at the memory of Schicklgruber, there is an increase in patriotic sentiment. Either in Austria Jörg Haider comes to power, then in France the ears of Le Pen proudly rise in the elections, then Pino Rauti seduces the Italians with a promise to clear Milan and Parma from gypsies and Moroccans. This is Europe's answer to two factors: to globalization and to the mass emigration of Asian and European residents there.


“Immigrants are uneducated, they work for pennies, they claim our benefits, they bring an outdated culture alien to us, they rape our daughters and eat our baby sons!”

“Multinational corporations are choking small entrepreneurs, they are destroying our identity, they are turning our fields and gardens into asphalt-filled sites of dull progress, they are lobbying for their idiotic laws and feeding us with their rotten McDonald’s!”


Cosmopolitan from a barrel

The main opponents of the patriots are cosmopolitans, those who believe that all of humanity is a single people, and this planet is entirely our Motherland. The earliest cosmopolitan known to us was the Greek Cynic philosopher Diogenes. Alas, this remarkable philosopher badly damaged the reputation of cosmopolitanism by the fact that, while ardently denying statehood, he also denied culture, civilization, family and comfort. In an ideal world, Diogenes believed, people should live like animals, in nature, with a minimum of amenities, without wives or husbands, be completely free and not invent any nonsense like writing, reading and other unnecessary tedious inventions.

National patriotism as a rejection of alien influence is certainly appropriate in a world that wants to remain consistently diverse. Therefore, no matter how decent people frown, looking at Tymoshenko in wheat braids and at Haider in an Alpine hat, it is worth understanding: as long as patriotism of this kind remains in the position “from below”, as long as it is not supported by laws, as long as it does not call for cannibalism and pogroms - its role cannot be called exclusively negative. It is far more dangerous when national patriotism begins to walk hand in hand with state patriotism.


There are only a few countries in the world in which state patriotism is one of the obligatory components of the ideology carefully planted by the authorities. These are, for example, the USA, Russia and Japan.

In the United States, a country with an exceptionally diverse population, it serves as the cement that holds together the whole motley company that is the American people. At the same time, ethnic patriotism in the United States, as everyone understands, is practically excluded.

In Japan, national patriotism and state patriotism are one and the same. For the Japanese, it is a way to preserve their specific way of life (nevertheless, it erodes from year to year: modern Japanese are already much closer psychologically to representatives of post-Christian cultures than their grandparents). And since the Japanese live almost exclusively in Japan, and there are very few other peoples there, then the harm from “Japan for the Japanese!” A little. Of course, for the Japanese! Please, no one mind, eat your tofu and be healthy.

As for Russia, national Great Russian patriotism, which swelled up like a mushroom in the rain after the collapse of the USSR, is now joining forces with state patriotism, which is assiduously spread by official ideology. Here the task is to concentrate power in the hands of the ruling elite and keep the country from the influence of centrifugal forces. Historians on this occasion again began to lie a lot, on TV they endlessly talk about evil beeches sitting around the state border, and in the evenings young people go to slaughter Kalmyks and Uzbeks as defilers of the holy Russian land. The fact that national, ethnic patriotism in a multi-ethnic country is a suicidal phenomenon, the ideologists, of course, guess, but so far they cannot think of anything to eat the state-patriotic fish and avoid the popular performance of "Horst Wessel" to the balalaika.


So the time of patriotism is far from over yet. It is even possible that it will not pass in the distant future, when the entire planet will be a conglomerate of small atomized countries united in free unions and inhabited by people who choose their citizenship not by birth, but guided solely by personal sympathies. Still, as we wrote above, patriotism is an instinctive feeling of a person, and each of us feels the need to divide people into “us” and “them”. Even if in fact we are all our own.

IN scientific literature There are various classifications of patriotism, its types and forms are distinguished.

One of the grounds for clarifying the typologies of patriotism can be the concepts of a large and small Motherland, catholicity, spirituality, service to the Fatherland, defense of the Motherland, etc., common among the people. big motherland previously meant the Russian Empire, later - Soviet Union, Russia, Russian Federation. Small Motherland- province (later - region, territory, national republic) or county (district), city, village, farm, etc. In accordance with this basis, the types of patriotism include: state, Russian national, national, civil, local or regional, etc. All these types of patriotism are interconnected, but each of them reveals in it (patriotism) something of its own, special.

State patriotism connected, first of all, with the single and supreme goal of each person, team and society as a whole; state interests and national security are a priority beginning in the system "personality - collective - society - state". The political regulators of state patriotism is the concept of the state, statehood, and the main principle that supports and develops domestic culture, protecting national independence and state territorial integrity is the principle of sovereignty. The standard of patriotism is social norms regulating the behavior of a person in society, his attitude towards other people, towards society, the state and towards himself. Their implementation is ensured by the power of both public opinion, internal conviction based on the ideas accepted in a given society about one's own security and the possibility of reproduction, and coercion by the state based on legal regulators.

State patriotism presupposes that Russians have a common interest in unity and development, a common goal of strengthening the state, confidence that spiritual solidarity and justice, a sense of responsibility for the fate of the Fatherland, prevail within its borders. For the development of this type of patriotism, it is important to know the history of the Fatherland, to affirm in the legal consciousness of the people the idea of ​​the state, of their homeland; community of interests and common determination to defend its interests; the presence of an established system of control over the observance of the rights of citizens and, at the same time, control over the fulfillment by citizens of their obligations to society. It is in connection with this that the degree of public confidence in the government is also increasing.

Russian national patriotism V more associated with the emotional world of a person. Its spiritual and moral basis is the concepts of "Fatherland" (father's house) and "Motherland" (bosom of birth). They reveal the spiritual basis of patriotism, the content of the patriotic experience of the people, its values. In their totality, the Fatherland and Motherland accumulate ideas about the people as a family living in a multi-ethnic and single political space. Russian patriotism, reflecting and protecting the interests of the people, society and orienting individuals in their civil behavior towards the implementation of legal norms, stimulates them at the same time to consolidate through the development of patriotic experience, which is enshrined in moral norms, customs, traditions, folklore, values lifeworld developed by the people, their culture. Modern Russia needs patriotic traditions and values ​​to be assimilated by the population and become individual and group behavioral programs.

A Russian patriot is a person who has connected his fate with the fate of his people, with its centuries-old traditions, who believes in Russia, is connected with it spiritually, morally and emotionally, building his behavior in accordance with Russia, its future and present.

National(Russian, Tatar, Bashkir, etc.) patriotism is based on its national culture, i.e.

saves spiritual content past social and political forms. It should awaken a feeling of love for the Motherland, national pride, the spirit of the people and contribute to the development of national feelings and national character, traditions, and form a sense of high moral responsibility.

Local, regional patriotism manifests itself in love for the surrounding nature, one’s small homeland, economic work, family and loved ones, and the spiritual culture of one’s people. Natural, historical, blood and domestic ties should become the subject of patriotic love as elements of the spirit of their ancestors and their people. The concepts of "Motherland" (bosom of birth), "Fatherland" (father's house) children learn in early childhood through the world around them.

In conditions modern Russia, in the period of its entry into the processes of globalization, a special place is occupied by civic patriotism , which is based on love for the Motherland on a national scale, national and legal self-awareness, civic morality: pride in one's family, home, one's people, yard, sports club, city, region, country.

Ivan Ilyin wrote: “In order to find your homeland and merge with it with feeling, and will, and life, it is necessary to live in the spirit and cherish it in yourself; and, further, it is necessary to realize patriotic self-consciousness in oneself, or at least truly “feel” oneself and one’s people in the spirit. We must truly feel our spiritual life and the spiritual life of our people and creatively assert ourselves in the forces and means of this latter, i.e., for example, accept the Russian language, Russian history, Russian state, Russian song, Russian legal consciousness, Russian historical worldview, etc. .d. like your own. This is what it means to establish between yourself and your people likeness, communication, interaction and commonality in spirit; recognize that the creators and creations of his spiritual culture are my leaders and my achievements. My path to the spirit is the path of my homeland; her ascent to spirit and God is my ascent. For I am identical with her and inseparable from her in the spiritual life.

Civil patriotism is based on subconscious aspirations and impulses that are rooted in the spirit of the people, the national instinct, the desire for creativity, for active social activity.

Civil patriotism reflects a peculiar mechanism of interaction between a person, a collective, society and the state; it synthesizes other varieties of patriotism and is associated precisely with the protection of one's national and cultural identity. At present, the need for a patriotic orientation of education, teaching young people the civilized norms of relationships in matters affecting the interests of the individual, the collective, society, the state and requiring binding decisions in the space of civil society institutions, has clearly been identified.

Patriotism as a social phenomenon has, in addition to its classical manifestation, not only other types, but also forms. In his work "The Concept of Patriotism: An Essay on the Sociology of Knowledge" A.N. Malinkin, according to the main essential feature of patriotism (love for the motherland), distinguishes the following forms: affective patriotism, patriotic indifference, anti-patriotism, false anti-patriotism, pseudo-patriotism, patriotic nihilism, counter-patriotism.

Affective patriotism- patriotism as a "social emotion", a manifestation of affects and passions, forming a superficial, peripheral layer of individual, group and social consciousness. Affective patriotism is an important component of many authoritarian-oriented political ideologies, for example, racist, nationalist-extremist, religious-fundamentalist, etc. Most of them are not concerned with the search for truth (it is "known" to them).

Patriotic indifference- indifferent, indifferent attitude to the motherland or even the absence of a definite attitude towards it, forgetfulness of the motherland - its disappearance from the field of objects of possible attention.

Antipatriotism- hatred of the motherland, as a rule, is the result of a natural protest reaction of a person who seeks to escape from the existing life world, but is temporarily unable to do so (for example, by changing socio-economic conditions, migration or emigration). A person either comes to terms with the environment, perceived by him as a "vicious circle", "trap", etc., or continues to struggle with it, trying to neutralize the influence of an alien or hostile social environment.

False anti-patriotism- ardent and jealous love for the motherland ("I love the fatherland, but strange love"), most often hidden under the national "self-flagellation".

False patriotism (or pseudo-patriotism)- hatred and contempt for the motherland.

Between the two extreme forms of patriotism and anti-patriotism, there are many transitional forms.

Patriotic nihilism- this is the denial of the positive value of the motherland as such, that is, the denial of the special and irreplaceable place of the motherland in the system of human values. Symptoms of patriotic nihilism testify to irreversible changes in the emotional constitution and mindset of a person, which in principle exclude the revival of love for the motherland. Patriotic nihilism is expressed in blind worship of everything foreign, fanatical devotion to some foreign or ancient culture and so on. The main manifestations of patriotic nihilism are humanitarianism and cosmopolitanism.

Humanitarianism and cosmopolitanism can be classified as social phenomena that are essentially and necessarily associated with patriotism, but have an opposite value vector.

Humanitarianism- abstract love for everything that in the eyes of a lover in this way has a human face (even if it is the face of a "man's friend" - dogs, cats, etc.). Humanitarianism is indifferent in relation to the racial, national, ethnic, cultural and other affiliation of a person, to specific groups, since it is based on the limited and historically obsolete idea of ​​the equality of the nature of all people (the rational essence of man), as well as a more than ambiguous idea " universal human values.

Cosmopolitanism- the mindset of individual egoistic alienation from the motherland and cynical indifference towards it.

In a cosmopolitan, love for the fatherland is either negligibly weak, or has completely atrophied. A cosmopolitan considers himself a “citizen of the world”, declares his involvement in a community of a higher order and significance (to the whole world, humanity), but the objectively higher value of this community (in itself, of course, not illusory) is not an end in itself, not an object of love for a cosmopolitan and active, sacrificial service, but only a means - the basis and reason for an arrogant, contemptuous attitude towards one's people and native country.

The opposite of the phenomenon of cosmopolitanism is the concept planetarism as a supranational consciousness of belonging to the human community on planet Earth, a feeling of love for all living and all living things on it and solidarity with them, readiness to actively and sacrificially serve them. This positive feeling and consciousness is necessarily based on patriotism, which naturally outgrows its local and national boundaries.

A special - political and ideological - variety of cosmopolitanism is internationalism, in the classical Marxist form, considered as social-class internationalism - the internationalism of the capitalists and the working class. Insofar as proletarian internationalism puts class interests (that is, political and economic interests) above national interests (primarily national-state interests), and therefore above the interests of the fatherland, it denies patriotism. Another thing is that for the majority of the peoples of the USSR, but especially for the Russian people, “real internationalism” meant in practice the perception of representatives of other states, nations, races, ethnic groups as equals, respect for their national dignity, original culture; the absence of national chauvinism - great-power or based on God's chosen people and the special mission of some people; sacrificial "international assistance" - military, economic and cultural (in the field of education and science), as well as a number of others positive traits coming from the depths of the healthy nationalism of these peoples.

Nationalism- a concept that received a perverted interpretation in the Soviet period, which was actually identified with manifestations of "national chauvinism", "national extremism" and other deviations in national self-consciousness. In reality, nationalism personifies love for the original spirit of one's people, developing into national self-consciousness, preserving and creating the national way of life. Given the emerging post-Soviet realities, the discrediting of the term “nationalism” in the public mind, we should recognize the absence in our dictionary of a concept that would adequately reflect the positive potential of patriotism.

Counterpatriotism- this is love for the ideal (utopian) image of the motherland, which turns into jealousy or hatred when confronted with the motherland, given in the form of a social reality that does not correspond to the ideal (utopian) image. Counterpatriotism is characterized by a clearly conscious distinction between the “motherland” (a warm feeling towards it is preserved) and “those who speak and act on its behalf” (a persistent hostility or hatred arises towards them).

It should be emphasized that various directions perverted patriotism, it is proposed to see in patriotism that which must be “overcome” as something base (an instinctive attachment that goes back to the territorial instinct of animals), or “outlived” as age phenomenon, or "rejected" as a conservative isolationist trend, is a profound misconception. Love for the fatherland as an "eternal" social phenomenon and enduring human value does not isolate from the world, but just opens the world in its true light: it allows you to see the planet Earth not as an internally indifferent, and therefore not capable of development, universal unity, but as a fruitful unity of diversity, focused on development.

The existing classifications of patriotism into types and forms, partially reflected above, make it possible to objectively and comprehensively identify the objective manifestations of patriotism at the social and individual level, in a systematic way reflect complex picture functioning of patriotism in the space of public consciousness.

Questions to control the possession of competencies:

1. What are the ideas of I.A. Ilyin can be developed in relation to modern Russia?

2. Summarize in the form of a diagram the main directions of understanding patriotism in the scientific literature, identify their relationships.

3. Highlight the qualities of a person that characterize his civil-patriotic sphere and fill in the table:

4. Justify what types of patriotism are most acceptable for Russia in the context of globalization.

5. Describe the manifestations of state and personal patriotism in modern social practice.

6. Determine what the student's patriotic activity may be while studying at the university.

Literature:

1. Efimov V.F. Historiosophical aspects of Russian patriotism//SOTIS-social technologies, research. - 2008. - No. 4. - S. 33-42.

2. Zapesotsky A.S. Dmitry Likhachev about morality, freedom and patriotism//Additional education and upbringing. - 2008. - No. 6. - P.3-8.

3. Ivanova S.Yu., Lutovinov V.I. Modern Russian patriotism. - Rostov n / D: Publishing House of the YuNTs RAS, 2008. - 320p.

4. Malgin E.L. On the relationship between the concepts of "spirituality" and "patriotism" // Applied Psychology and Psychoanalysis. - 2007. - No. 1. - S. 7-12.

5. Russian patriotism: origins, content, education in modern conditions. - Textbook / under the total. ed. A.K. Bykova, V.I. Lutovinova. - M., 2010. - S. 121-122.

Internet-resources:

1. http://www.zpu-journal.ru/ “Demidova E.I., Krivoruchenko V.K. Patriotism is unchanged in its idea. Electronic journal "Knowledge. Understanding. Skill". - 2008. - No. 6. - Story".

2. http://www.library.novouralsk.ru/ “Public Libraries. The path of interaction. Issue 12. Spiritual-moral and heroic-patriotic education of readers.

Report at the All-Russian Scientific and Public Conference "", held on March 28, 2014 in Moscow.

“The new Soviet patriotism is a fact that is pointless to deny. This is the only chance for the existence of Russia. If he is beaten, if the people refuse to defend Stalin's Russia, as he refused to defend the Russia of Nicholas II and Russia democratic republic, then for this people there are probably no opportunities for historical existence ”(G.P. Fedotov)

The Russian historian and religious philosopher Georgy Petrovich Fedotov (1886–1951), who lived in exile for a quarter of a century, can hardly be suspected of loving the Stalinist regime. In the article "Protection of Russia", published in the 4th issue of the Paris " New Russia”for 1936, the thinker does not undertake to evaluate the “strength and vitality of the new Russian patriotism”, the bearer of which is the “new nobility” that governs Russia. Moreover, he doubts the strength of the patriotic feeling of the workers and peasants, "on whose backs the Stalinist throne is being built." That is, for Fedotov, the difference between patriotism, as an ideological construct, and the patriotic feeling, the bearer of which is the people, was obvious.

But this duality of patriotism is external, because by its nature, it represents the interconnection of two principles - socio-political and moral (Fig. 1), two dimensions - a small and large Motherland and two manifestations - a feeling of love for the Motherland and readiness to defend the Fatherland.

Rice. 1. The essence of patriotism

In its deepest essence, patriotism is the basis for satisfying the need to ensure the security of the individual and society. It is based on two archetypal images: Mother, personifying native land, and the Father, symbolizing the state.

So what is patriotism: “the last refuge of a scoundrel” (as defined by the author of the famous “Dictionary of the English Language” Samuel Johnson), “a tool for achieving power-hungry and selfish goals” (in the understanding of Leo Tolstoy) or “virtue” and “love to the good and glory of the Fatherland ”(according to N.M. Karamzin and V.S. Solovyov)? Where is the line between nationalism, real and false patriotism? Is patriotism compatible with universal values?

The problem of patriotism has been and is one of the most urgent in the sphere of spiritual life. Russian society. It is not surprising that only during the existence of the new Russian statehood, the attitude towards patriotism in different social groups has fluctuated and continues to vary from complete rejection to unconditional support. Today in Russia everyone is talking about patriotism - from monarchists to communists, from sovereigns to internationalists.

Few will argue with the fact that almost two thirds of the history of our people is a struggle for independence. It is not surprising that in these conditions patriotism became cornerstone state ideology. We must also take into account the fact that the formation of a patriotic idea, which coincided in time with the emergence of the Russian state, from the very beginning turned out to be associated with the fulfillment of military (military) duty. As the idea of ​​uniting Russian lands in the fight against enemies, it is clearly heard in The Tale of Bygone Years and the sermons of Sergius of Radonezh, in the Tale of Igor's Campaign and Illarion's Tale of Law and Grace.

But at the same time, the absence of a single type of warrior-hero in Russian epics attracts attention. But all of them (Mikula Selyaninovich and Ilya Muromets, Sadko and Nikita Kozhemyaki) are united by love for the "father's coffins" and the desire to "stand up for the Russian land."

It is significant that the term "patriot" was used in Russia only in the 18th century. in connection with northern war. In his work on this war, Vice-Chancellor Baron P.P. Shafirov first used it with the meaning "son of the Fatherland." It is precisely for the time of Peter the Great that the growth of national self-consciousness in general and the state principle in it, in particular, is characteristic. It can be assumed that at the first Russian emperor patriotism acquired the character of a state ideology, the main motto of which was the formula "God, Tsar and Fatherland". Parting words to the soldiers before the Battle of Poltava, Peter the Great emphasized that they were fighting for the state, their family and the Orthodox faith. “Institution for battle”, “Military article”, “Charter of military and cannon affairs” and “Naval charter” - all these and other laws of the Petrine era fixed patriotism as a norm of behavior, first of all, a warrior. Later, the great Russian commander A.V. Suvorov used the term “patriot” in the same meaning. And this is no coincidence. After all, the word “patriotism” owes its origin to the Greek “compatriot”, which originates from the ancient Greek “patra”, which meant family. Let us recall that the ancient thinkers considered the attitude to the Fatherland to be the noblest thought. For antiquity, patriotism was the main moral duty of a member of the policy, investing in this concept not only the military defense of the city-state, but also active participation in the management of the policy. Unfortunately, in Russian history(including due to a number of objective reasons) patriotism as a feeling of a citizen of one's Fatherland has received much less development than its military component.

As an ideology, patriotism is the ideological basis for the effective functioning of social and state institutions, one of the mechanisms for the legitimacy of power and a tool for the formation of the socio-political and psychological identity of the people. For the whole of Russian history, the central component of patriotism was sovereignty, understood as a characteristic of the political, economic, military and spiritual power of the country in the world, as well as the ability to influence international relations. But sovereignty has always been some unattainable ideal of a state system, which sometimes acquired very unexpected features, such as, for example, an autocratic republic by K.D. Kavelin.

Obviously, the nature of patriotism is determined by the historical era and the specifics of statehood. In tsarist Russia, for example, duty to the Fatherland, devotion to the tsar, responsibility to society developed from generation to generation. For imperial Russia, with its attempts to cultivate nationwide patriotism, the main content of the "theory of official nationality" was the idea of ​​sovereignty and nationality as a reliance on their own traditions. It is no coincidence that it was history that was considered as the main subject in the education of citizenship and patriotism of the subjects of the Russian Empire.

In turn, the origins of Soviet sovereignty lie in the idea of ​​"building socialism in one single country." The strengthening of state-patriotic principles turned out to be connected with the concept of a “new socialist motherland”. Note that the formation Soviet patriotism went under the slogan "to absorb the best traditions of Russian history" and when referring to the idea of ​​Slavic unity. The new patriotism was based on a combination of love for the motherland (patriotism in the traditional sense) and the idea of ​​building communism and internationalism. The need to defend the socialist Fatherland was reinforced by the conviction of the superiority of socialism over capitalism and justified by the doctrine of just and unjust wars. That is, it was about protecting a more progressive social system, which served as a model for the rest of the peoples of the world (“We all know that the Earth begins with the Kremlin”).

However, an active appeal to traditional national values only happened during the Great Patriotic War when the question arose of the survival of not only the Soviet government, but also the nation as such. This was the reason for the appeal of the communist authorities to the Russian Orthodox Church and the reproduction in mass propaganda of the images of such national heroes as Alexander Nevsky and Dmitry Donskoy, Kozma Minin and Dmitry Pozharsky, Alexander Suvorov and Mikhail Kutuzov, Fedor Ushakov and others.

But the content and direction of patriotism are determined, among other things, by the spiritual and moral climate of society. The freethinker A.N. Radishchev and the Decembrists N.P. Muraviev and S. Pestel, the revolutionary democrats V.G. Belinsky, N.A. Dobrolyubov and N.G. Chernyshevsky, Russian philosophers V.S. Soloviev, I.A. Ilyin, V.V. Rozanov, N.A. Berdyaev and others. It is significant that they understood patriotism not only as readiness to defend the Fatherland, but also as civil dignity. In the wake of the transformations of Alexander II, the reforms of S.Yu. Witte and P.A. Stolypin, patriotism was increasingly perceived in Russian society as a kind of school of civic education and responsibility for the fate of one's Fatherland.

So, according to I.A. Ilyin, the very idea of ​​the Motherland implies the beginning of spirituality in a person, reflecting the characteristics of people of different nationalities. Speaking about patriotism, A.I. Solzhenitsyn saw in him “a whole and persistent feeling of love for his nation with serving it not by being obsequious, not by supporting its unjust claims, but frankly in assessing vices, sins and in repentance for them.” G.K. Zhukov wrote in his memoirs about the greatest patriotism that raised people to a feat in the days of the battle for Moscow. In other words, patriotism is not only an ideological construction, but also a value positioned in the general system of individual and social values. First of all, it belongs to the highest values, because. shared by more than half of the country's social groups. Patriotism is also a common value, due to the fact that it is supported by more than 3⁄4 of the population (or at least the dominant value shared by more than half of the citizens). Patriotism is undoubtedly a value that integrates society and is active, because involves a conscious and emotionally loaded action. And, finally, due to its dual nature, it refers to terminal (target) values ​​and, at the same time, to instrumental values, serving as a means in relation to goals.

As a moral phenomenon, patriotism presupposes practical actions to overcome national limitations, respect for the individual, and activity that transforms the human community. The role of patriotism increases at sharp breaks in history, requiring a sharp increase in the tension of the forces of citizens, and, above all, during wars and invasions, social conflicts and political crises natural Disasters and so on. It is in crisis conditions that patriotism acts as an attribute of the viability and even, often, simply the survival of society. The current situation associated with attempts to isolate Russia can be considered as force majeure, which has always in the history of our country led to the consolidation of the population, its rapprochement with the authorities and the strengthening of state-patriotic principles.

However, this does not mean that in other periods of history, patriotism is not functional. It is one of the main conditions for the effective functioning of social and state institutions, as well as a source of spiritual and moral strength and the health of society. If the French enlighteners of the XVIII century. noted the dependence of patriotic feelings on the state and its laws, Hegel associated patriotism, first of all, with a sense of trust of citizens in the state.

Unfortunately, already in the second half of the 1980s. the “foremen of perestroika” had a view of patriotism as an obsolete value that hinders the building of a new democratic society. Moreover, absolutizing the internal connection between ideology and politics, the post-Soviet elite, without suspecting it, following K. Marx, saw in ideology in general and in patriotism, in particular, a false form of consciousness. It is not surprising that in the 1990s researchers often emphasized the “unstable, amorphous, indefinite character” of Russian patriotism.

Only the “rehabilitation” of patriotism on the eve of the 50th anniversary of the Victory over fascism yielded positive results. In the early 2000s, judging by the data of a RosBusinessConsulting survey, 42% of Russians considered themselves patriots, and only 8% did not consider themselves patriots. The country's leadership has matured to recognize that the new statehood should be based not only on respect for the law, but also on a sense of civic duty, the highest manifestation of which is patriotism. No less important was the realization that without a clearly formulated idea of ​​protecting Russia's interests, it is impossible to develop a sovereign foreign policy.

The deficit (or even a systemic crisis) of patriotism in modern Russia is associated with a revision of the very concept of "patriotism" in connection with the destruction of the ideological shell of socialism. This led to the discrediting of any ideological mechanisms for the legitimization of power - this is precisely what explains the preservation of the constitutional ban on state ideology in modern Russia. In part, the “discrimination” of state ideology is caused by a lack of understanding that ideas are not only a product of the interests of certain social strata, but also values ​​rooted in the people's mind.

It seems that the dispute over this issue between neo-Kantians and Marxists has long lost its relevance. In practice, the destruction of patriotism in Russia led not only to the weakening of the post-Soviet statehood, but also to the erosion of the social and spiritual foundations of Russian society. It is not surprising that even the concept of the Motherland has devalued and lost its essential content.

But ideology is an indispensable element of social life and a form of including people in social ties. It is difficult to agree with I. Wallerstein and his followers that only the presence of an enemy gives ideology (including patriotism) vitality and an integrating character. Of course, outside of morality and law, any ideology is potentially dangerous for society. But this is the peculiarity of patriotism, as already mentioned, that it is love for the Motherland, regardless of the presence of an enemy, that takes patriotic feeling beyond the bounds of political egoism and creates protection from ideological manipulations.

In today's Russia, the revival of patriotism by the authorities is directly associated only with the idea of ​​restoring the status of a great power. This is understandable, because only pride in one's country, people and its history can become a constructive basis for a patriotic feeling. However, this does not take into account that national history sovereignty has always been combined with other value components: the Orthodox faith in pre-revolutionary Russia or internationalism in the USSR (Fig. 2). It can be argued that in the formation of the ideas of sovereignty and greatness of Russia, patriotism and devotion to the Fatherland, special way Russia, etc., which are the most important components of the political consciousness of Russians, it was the Orthodox faith that played an important role. But it is obvious that the patriotic formula of pre-revolutionary Russia "For Faith, Tsar and Fatherland!" does not fit into modern Russian society.

Rice. 2. Components of a patriotic idea

It seems that today patriotism as a mechanism for the identity of the people, which is a basic human need, and the legitimization of power is also impossible without the second value component - the principle of social justice. Let us recall that in the archetypes of the Russian consciousness, law and law become a value only when the adjective “fair” is added to them. Justice has always been more than just keeping in Russian life traditional-communal forms of social regulation, but also a kind of moral self-defense of the individual in a non-legal state.

With this approach, patriotic sentiments are an essential factor in mobilization and socio-political activity. In other words, patriotism implies a collective national identity. Without a formed positive image of the country, in which the idea of ​​sovereignty is present, the citizens of modern Russia will not be able to consolidate their national identity.

It should be borne in mind that patriotism is an important component of the national idea, the search for which Russian authorities has been concerned since the late 1990s, and which should contribute to Russia's self-identification in the world community. In turn, the ideology of patriotism, as the basis of a strategy for the successful development of the country, due to its understandability, can be perceived by the majority of Russian society as a tool for getting out of spiritual crisis and the path to true sovereignty. And here you will need an effort on yourself, and not violence on others. Also, no external release will be effective without an internal release. Let's listen to the words of A.I. Herzen about the conservatism of not only the throne and the pulpit, but also the people themselves. Or to the reasoning of S.L. Frank about conscious patriotism as an awareness of the value of national existence and its organization in the face of statehood. Today, more than ever, the “translation” of the idea of ​​patriotism from the ethnic language into the national language is also important.

NOTES

Fedotov G.P. Protection of Russia // Fate and sins of Russia. In 2 vols. T. 2. M .: Publishing house "Sofia", 1992. S. 125.

See, for example: Brief Political Dictionary. M.: Politizdat, 1989. S. 411; Russian Pedagogical Encyclopedia. In 2 volumes: T. 2. M .: Bolshaya ros. Encycl., 1999, p. 409; Philosophical Dictionary / Ed. I.T.Frolova. 5th ed. M.: Politizdat, 1986. S. 538.

See, for example: State ideology and national idea. M .: Club "Realists", 1997; Lutovinov V.I. Patriotism and the problems of its formation among Russian youth in modern conditions. Abstract dis... Dr. Phil. Sciences. M., 1998; Patriotism of the peoples of Russia: traditions and modernity. Materials of the interregional scientific-practical conference. Moscow: Triada-farm, 2003.

Beskrovny L.G. Russian army and fleet in the XVIII century (Essays). M.: Military publishing house of the Ministry of Defense of the USSR, 1958. S. 147; Patriotic education of military personnel on traditions Russian army. M.: VU, 1997. S. 48–52; Pushkarev L.N. mentality and political history Russia: turning points. // mentality and political development Russia. abstracts scientific conference. Moscow, 29–31 Oct. 1996. Moscow: IRI RAN, 1996. P. 6.

See, for example: Cicero. Dialogues "About the state", "About laws". M.: Nauka, 1966. S. 87.

Forsova N.K. Spiritual turn in the Soviet mentality in the conditions of the Great Patriotic War, its consequences // Great feat. To the 55th anniversary of the Victory. Omsk: Publishing House of OmGTU, 2000, pp. 35–36.

Belinsky V.G. Works. T. 4. M.: Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1954. S. 489; Revolt of the Decembrists: in 8 vols. T. 7. M .: Gospolitizdat, 1927. S. 86; Ilyin I. We were right // About the future of Russia / Ed. N.P. Poltoratsky. Moscow: Military Publishing House, 1993, pp. 333–334. and etc.

Solzhenitsyn A. Journalism. In 3 vols. T. 1. Repentance and self-restraint as categories of national life. Yaroslavl; Upper Volga book. publishing house, 1995. S. 65.

Zhukov G.K. The greatness of the victory of the USSR and the impotence of the falsifiers of history // Roman-gazeta. 1994. No 18. S. 101.

For the classification of values, see: Goryainov V.P. Empirical classifications life values Russians in post-Soviet period// Polis. 1996. No 4; crisis society. Our society in three dimensions. Moscow: Institute of Philosophy RAS, 1994.

Hegel G. Works of different years. T. 2. M.: Thought, 1971. S. 70.

Krupnik A.A. Patriotism in the system of civil values ​​of society and its formation in the military environment: Abstract of the thesis. dis. ...cand. philosophy Sciences. M., 1995. S. 16.

Novikova N. Patriotism is the willingness to sacrifice everything if it does not harm your business // Profile. 2002. No 42. S. 4.

Identity is one of the most effective mechanisms for mobilizing the population, and identification criteria, in turn, are built with the help of ideology as a set of ideas and ideals.

For more information about the mechanism of formation and activation of identities, see: Brubaker R., Cooper F. Beyond "Identity" // Ad Imperio. 2002. No 3. pp. 61–116.