West Bank of the Jordan River (West Bank). West Bank

An excerpt from the West Bank

The case between Pierre and Dolokhov was hushed up, and, despite the then severity of the sovereign regarding duels, neither both opponents nor their seconds were injured. But the story of the duel, confirmed by Pierre's break with his wife, was made public. Pierre, who was looked upon condescendingly, patronizingly, when he was an illegitimate son, who was caressed and glorified, when he was the best bridegroom of the Russian Empire, after his marriage, when brides and mothers had nothing to expect from him, he greatly lost in the opinion of society, all the more that he did not know how and did not want to curry favor with the public. Now he alone was accused of what had happened, they said that he was a stupid jealous man, subject to the same fits of bloodthirsty rage as his father. And when, after Pierre's departure, Helen returned to St. Petersburg, she was not only cordially, but with a touch of reverence, referring to her misfortune, was received by all her acquaintances. When the conversation turned to her husband, Helen adopted a dignified expression, which she, although not understanding its meaning, by her usual tact, adopted for herself. This expression said that she had decided to endure her misfortune without complaint, and that her husband was the cross sent to her by God. Prince Vasily expressed his opinion more frankly. He shrugged his shoulders when the conversation turned to Pierre, and, pointing to his forehead, said:
- Un cerveau fele - je le disais toujours. [Half crazy - I always said that.]
“I said ahead of time,” Anna Pavlovna said about Pierre, “I just said then, and before everyone else (she insisted on her primacy), that this is a crazy young man, spoiled by the depraved ideas of the century. I said this back then when everyone admired him and he had just arrived from abroad, and remember, one evening I had some kind of Marat. What ended? I did not yet want this wedding and predicted everything that would happen.
Anna Pavlovna, as before, gave her free days such evenings as before, and such as she alone had the gift to arrange, evenings at which she gathered, firstly, la creme de la veritable bonne societe, la fine fleur de l " essence intellectuelle de la societe de Petersbourg, [the cream of real good society, the color of the intellectual essence of St. some new, interesting face to society, and that nowhere, as at these evenings, was the degree of the political thermometer, on which the mood of the court Legitimist Petersburg society stood, expressed so clearly and firmly.
At the end of 1806, when all the sad details about the destruction of the Prussian army by Napoleon near Jena and Auerstet and about the surrender of most of the Prussian fortresses had already been received, when our troops had already entered Prussia, and our second war with Napoleon had begun, Anna Pavlovna gathered evening. La creme de la veritable bonne societe [Cream of a real good society] consisted of a charming and unhappy, abandoned by her husband, Helen, from Morte Mariet "a, a charming Prince Hippolyte, who had just arrived from Vienna, two diplomats, an aunt, one young man who used in living room with the name simply d "un homme de beaucoup de merite, [a very worthy person,] one newly granted lady-in-waiting with her mother and some other less prominent persons.
The person with whom, as a novelty, Anna Pavlovna treated her guests that evening, was Boris Drubetskoy, who had just arrived by courier from the Prussian army and was adjutant to a very important person.
The degree of the political thermometer pointed out to the society at that evening was the following: no matter how much all European sovereigns and generals try to pander to Bonaparte in order to make me and us in general these troubles and sorrows, our opinion about Bonaparte cannot change. We will not stop expressing our unfeigned way of thinking on this matter, and we can only say to the Prussian king and others: so much the worse for you. Tu l "as voulu, George Dandin, [You wanted it, Georges Dandin,] that's all we can say. That's what the political thermometer indicated at Anna Pavlovna's evening. When Boris, who was supposed to be brought to the guests, entered the living room, almost the entire society was already assembled, and the conversation, led by Anna Pavlovna, was about our diplomatic relations with Austria and about the hope of an alliance with her.
Boris, dressed in a smart, adjutant's uniform, matured, fresh and ruddy, freely entered the living room and was taken, as he should, to greet his aunt and was again attached to the general circle.
Anna Pavlovna gave him her dry hand to kiss, introduced him to certain faces he did not know, and identified each one to him in a whisper.
– Le Prince Hyppolite Kouraguine – charmant jeune homme. M r Kroug charge d "affaires de Kopenhague - un esprit profond, and simply: M r Shittoff un homme de beaucoup de merite [Prince Ippolit Kuragin, a dear young man. G. Krug, Copenhagen chargé d'affaires, deep mind. G. Shitov , a very worthy person] about the one who bore this name.
Boris during this time of his service, thanks to the cares of Anna Mikhailovna, his own tastes and the properties of his restrained character, managed to put himself in the most advantageous position in the service. He was adjutant to a very important person, had a very important mission to Prussia, and had just returned from there by courier. He fully assimilated to himself that unwritten subordination that he liked in Olmutz, according to which the ensign could stand incomparably higher than the general, and according to which, for success in the service, not efforts in the service, not labor, not courage, not constancy, were needed, but it was necessary only the ability to deal with those who reward service - and he himself was often surprised at his rapid success and how others could not understand this. As a result of this discovery, his whole way of life, all relations with former acquaintances, all his plans for the future, have completely changed. He was not rich, but he used the last of his money to be better dressed than others; he would rather deprive himself of many pleasures than allow himself to ride in a bad carriage or appear in an old uniform on the streets of Petersburg. He approached and sought acquaintance only with people who were taller than him, and therefore could be useful to him. He loved Petersburg and despised Moscow. The memory of the Rostovs' house and his childhood love for Natasha was unpleasant for him, and since his departure for the army he had never been to the Rostovs. In Anna Pavlovna's drawing room, in which he considered being present an important promotion, he now immediately understood his role and left Anna Pavlovna to take advantage of the interest that lay in it, carefully observing each person and evaluating the benefits and opportunities for rapprochement with each of them. . He sat down in the place indicated to him near the beautiful Helen, and listened to the general conversation.
- Vienne trouve les bases du traite propose tellement hors d "atteinte, qu" on ne saurait y parvenir meme par une continuite de succes les plus brillants, et elle met en doute les moyens qui pourraient nous les procurer. C "est la phrase authentique du cabinet de Vienne," said the Danish charge d "affaires. [Vienna finds the foundations of the proposed treaty so impossible that they cannot be achieved even by a series of the most brilliant successes: and she doubts the means that can deliver them to us. This is a genuine phrase of the Vienna Cabinet,” said the Danish chargé d’affaires.]
- C "est le doute qui est flatteur!" - said l "homme a l" esprit profond, with a thin smile. [Doubt is flattering! - said a deep mind,]
- Il faut distinguer entre le cabinet de Vienne et l "Empereur d" Autriche, said Morte Mariet. - L "Empereur d" Autriche n "a jamais pu penser a une chose pareille, ce n" est que le cabinet qui le dit. [It is necessary to distinguish between the Vienna Cabinet and the Austrian Emperor. The Austrian Emperor could never think this, only the cabinet says it.]
- Eh, mon cher vicomte, - Anna Pavlovna intervened, - l "Urope (for some reason she pronounced l" Urope, as a special subtlety of the French language that she could afford when speaking with the French) l "Urope ne sera jamais notre alliee sincere [Ah, my dear Viscount, Europe will never be our sincere ally.]
Following this, Anna Pavlovna brought the conversation to the courage and firmness of the Prussian king in order to bring Boris into the business.
Boris listened attentively to the one who spoke, waiting for his turn, but at the same time he managed to look several times at his neighbor, the beautiful Helen, who several times met her eyes with a handsome young adjutant with a smile.
Quite naturally, speaking of the situation in Prussia, Anna Pavlovna asked Boris to tell about his journey to Glogau and the position in which he found the Prussian army. Boris, slowly, in pure and correct French, told a lot of interesting details about the troops, about the court, throughout his story carefully avoiding expressing his opinion about the facts that he conveyed. For some time Boris captured everyone's attention, and Anna Pavlovna felt that her refreshment with a novelty was accepted with pleasure by all the guests. Helen showed the most attention to Boris's story. She asked him several times about some details of his trip and seemed to be very interested in the position of the Prussian army. As soon as he had finished, she turned to him with her usual smile:
“Il faut absolument que vous veniez me voir, [It is necessary that you come to see me,” she said to him in such a tone, as if for some reason that he could not know, it was absolutely necessary.
- Mariedi entre les 8 et 9 heures. Vous me ferez grand plaisir. [On Tuesday, between 8 and 9 o'clock. You will give me great pleasure.] - Boris promised to fulfill her desire and wanted to enter into a conversation with her when Anna Pavlovna recalled him under the pretext of an aunt who wanted to hear him.
"You know her husband, don't you?" said Anna Pavlovna, closing her eyes and pointing sadly at Helen. “Ah, this is such an unfortunate and lovely woman! Don't talk about him in front of her, please don't. She's too hard!

When Boris and Anna Pavlovna returned to the common circle, Prince Ippolit took over the conversation.
He moved forward in his chair and said: Le Roi de Prusse! [King of Prussia!] and saying this, he laughed. Everyone turned to him: Le Roi de Prusse? asked Hippolyte, laughed again, and again calmly and seriously sat down in the back of his armchair. Anna Pavlovna waited for him a little, but since Hippolyte resolutely did not seem to want to talk any more, she began to talk about how the godless Bonaparte had stolen the sword of Frederick the Great in Potsdam.
- C "est l" epee de Frederic le Grand, que je ... [This is the sword of Frederick the Great, which I ...] - she began, but Hippolytus interrupted her with the words:
- Le Roi de Prusse ... - and again, as soon as he was addressed, he apologized and fell silent. Anna Pavlovna grimaced. Morte Mariet, a friend of Hippolyte, turned to him resolutely:
Voyons a qui en avez vous avec votre Roi de Prusse? [Well, what about the Prussian king?]
Hippolyte laughed, as if he were ashamed of his own laughter.
- Non, ce n "est rien, je voulais dire seulement ... [No, nothing, I just wanted to say ...] (He intended to repeat the joke that he heard in Vienna, and which he was going to post all evening.) Je voulais dire seulement, que nous avons tort de faire la guerre pour le roi de Prusse [I just wanted to say that we are fighting in vain pour le roi de Prusse.
Boris smiled cautiously, in a way that could be regarded as mockery or approval of the joke, depending on how it was received. Everyone laughed.
“Il est tres mauvais, votre jeu de mot, tres spirituel, mais injuste,” said Anna Pavlovna, shaking her wrinkled finger. - Nous ne faisons pas la guerre pour le Roi de Prusse, mais pour les bons principes. Ah, le mechant, ce prince Hippolytel [Your pun is not good, very clever, but unfair; we do not fight pour le roi de Prusse (i.e., over trifles), but for good beginnings. Oh, how evil he is, this Prince Ippolit!] - she said.
The conversation did not subside all evening, turning mainly around political news. At the end of the evening, he became especially animated when it came to the awards granted by the sovereign.
- After all, last year NN received a snuffbox with a portrait, - said l "homme a l" esprit profond, [a man of deep mind,] - why can't SS receive the same award?
- Je vous demande pardon, une tabatiere avec le portrait de l "Empereur est une recompense, mais point une distinction," said the diplomat, un cadeau plutot. [Sorry, a snuffbox with a portrait of the Emperor is an award, not a distinction; rather a gift.]
– Il y eu plutot des antecedents, je vous citerai Schwarzenberg. [There were examples - Schwarzenberg.]
- C "est impossible, [It's impossible,]" another objected.
- Pari. Le grand cordon, c "est different ... [The ribbon is another matter ...]
When everyone got up to leave, Helen, who had spoken very little all evening, again turned to Boris with a request and an affectionate, significant order that he be with her on Tuesday.
“I really need this,” she said with a smile, looking back at Anna Pavlovna, and Anna Pavlovna, with that sad smile that accompanied her words when she spoke about her high patroness, confirmed Helen’s desire. It seemed that that evening, from some words spoken by Boris about the Prussian army, Helen suddenly discovered the need to see him. She seemed to promise him that when he arrived on Tuesday, she would explain this necessity to him.
Arriving on Tuesday evening at Helen's magnificent salon, Boris did not receive a clear explanation why he needed to come. There were other guests, the countess spoke little to him, and only saying goodbye, when he kissed her hand, she, with a strange lack of a smile, unexpectedly, in a whisper, said to him: Venez demain diner ... le soir. Il faut que vous veniez… Venez. [Come tomorrow for dinner… in the evening. You need to come… Come.]
On this visit to St. Petersburg, Boris became a close friend in the house of Countess Bezukhova.

The war flared up, and its theater was approaching the Russian borders. Everywhere curses were heard to the enemy of the human race, Bonaparte; warriors and recruits gathered in the villages, and contradictory news came from the theater of war, as always false and therefore differently interpreted.
The life of the old Prince Bolkonsky, Prince Andrei and Princess Marya has changed in many ways since 1805.
In 1806, the old prince was appointed one of the eight commanders-in-chief of the militia, then appointed throughout Russia. The old prince, despite his senile weakness, which became especially noticeable at that period of time when he considered his son killed, did not consider himself entitled to refuse the position to which he had been appointed by the sovereign himself, and this newly revealed activity aroused and strengthened him. He constantly traveled around the three provinces entrusted to him; he was dutiful to the point of pedantry in his duties, strict to the point of cruelty with his subordinates, and he himself went to the smallest details of the case. Princess Mary had already stopped taking mathematical lessons from her father, and only in the mornings, accompanied by a nurse, with the little prince Nikolai (as his grandfather called) would enter her father's study when he was at home. The infant Prince Nikolai lived with his nurse and nanny Savishna in the half of the late princess, and Princess Mary spent most of the day in the nursery, replacing, as best she could, the mother of her little nephew. M lle Bourienne also, it seemed, passionately loved the boy, and Princess Mary, often depriving herself, conceded to her friend the pleasure of nursing the little angel (as she called her nephew) and playing with him.
At the altar of the Lysogorsk church there was a chapel over the grave of the little princess, and a marble monument brought from Italy was erected in the chapel, depicting an angel spreading its wings and preparing to ascend to heaven. The angel had a slightly raised upper lip, as if he was about to smile, and once Prince Andrei and Princess Marya, leaving the chapel, admitted to each other that it was strange, the face of this angel reminded them of the face of the deceased. But what was even stranger, and what Prince Andrei did not say to his sister, was that in the expression that the artist accidentally gave to the face of an angel, Prince Andrei read the same words of meek reproach that he had read then on the face of his dead wife: “Ah, why did you do this to me?…”
Shortly after the return of Prince Andrei, the old prince separated his son and gave him Bogucharovo, a large estate located 40 versts from Lysy Gory. Partly because of the difficult memories associated with the Bald Mountains, partly because Prince Andrei did not always feel able to bear the character of his father, and partly because he needed solitude, Prince Andrei took advantage of Bogucharov, built there and spent most of time.
Prince Andrew, after the Austerlitz campaign, firmly decided never to serve in military service again; and when the war broke out, and everyone had to serve, he, in order to get rid of active service, accepted a position under the command of his father in collecting the militia. The old prince and his son seemed to change roles after the campaign of 1805. The old prince, excited by activity, expected all the best from a real campaign; Prince Andrei, on the contrary, not participating in the war and in the secret of his soul regretting that, saw one bad thing.
On February 26, 1807, the old prince left for the district. Prince Andrei, as for the most part during his father's absences, remained in the Bald Mountains. Little Nikolushka was unwell for the 4th day. The coachmen who carried the old prince returned from the city and brought papers and letters to Prince Andrei.
The valet with letters, not finding the young prince in his office, went to Princess Mary's half; but he wasn't there either. The valet was told that the prince went to the nursery.
“Please, Your Excellency, Petrusha has come with the papers,” said one of the girls of the nurse’s assistant, turning to Prince Andrei, who was sitting on a small children’s chair and with trembling hands, frowning, was dripping medicine from a glass into a glass filled halfway with water.
- What's happened? - he said angrily, and with a careless trembling of his hand, he poured an extra amount of drops from the glass into a glass. He poured the medicine out of the glass onto the floor and again asked for water. The girl gave it to him.
In the room there was a crib, two chests, two armchairs, a table and a children's table and chair, the one on which Prince Andrei was sitting. The windows were hung, and a single candle burned on the table, covered with a bound music book, so that the light would not fall on the crib.
“My friend,” Princess Marya said, turning to her brother, from the bed by which she was standing, “it’s better to wait ... after ...
“Ah, do me a favor, you keep talking nonsense, you waited all the time - so you waited,” said Prince Andrei in an angry whisper, apparently wanting to prick his sister.
“My friend, it’s better not to wake him up, he fell asleep,” the princess said in an imploring voice.
Prince Andrei got up and, on tiptoe, with a glass, went to the bed.
- Or just not wake up? he said hesitantly.
"As you wish - right ... I think ... but as you wish," said Princess Mary, apparently shy and ashamed that her opinion had triumphed. She pointed out to her brother the girl who was calling him in a whisper.
It was the second night that both of them were awake, taking care of the boy who was burning in the heat. All these days, not trusting their family doctor and waiting for the one for whom they were sent to the city, they took this and that other means. Exhausted by insomnia and anxious, they dumped their grief on each other, reproached each other and quarreled.
“Petrusha with papers from papa,” the girl whispered. - Prince Andrew left.
- Well, what is there! - he said angrily, and after listening to verbal orders from his father and taking the submitted envelopes and a letter from his father, he returned to the nursery.
- Well? asked Prince Andrew.
- All the same, wait for God's sake. Karl Ivanovich always says that sleep is the most precious thing, whispered Princess Mary with a sigh. - Prince Andrei went up to the child and felt him. He was on fire.
- Get out you and your Karl Ivanovich! - He took a glass with drops dripped into it and again approached.
Andre, don't! - said Princess Mary.
But he frowned at her angrily and at the same time with pain and bent down to the child with a glass. “Well, I want it,” he said. - Well, I beg you, give it to him.
Princess Marya shrugged her shoulders, but dutifully took a glass and, calling the nanny, began to give medicine. The child screamed and whimpered. Prince Andrei, grimacing, holding his head, left the room and sat down in the next room, on the sofa.
The letters were all in his hand. He mechanically opened them and began to read. The old prince, on blue paper, in his large, oblong handwriting, using titles in some places, wrote the following.

Which gave them the name "West Bank" to distinguish it from the east coast, which was its main territory before the war. To the Arab inhabitants of the West Bank, Jordan granted their citizenship, which some of them still have, and the Jewish inhabitants of the territories occupied by Transjordan fled or were expelled by Transjordan to Israel. The unilateral annexation was condemned by many countries, including most members of the Arab League. The USSR recognized the legality of the annexation. In terms of international law, the West Bank was under Jordanian occupation. No resolutions on such actions by Jordan as the occupation and annexation of the West Bank of the Jordan, the expulsion of Jews, the destruction of dozens of synagogues, and others, from to years. The UN was not accepted.

The area of ​​the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is 5,640 square kilometers, which is 27.1% (within the 1949 borders) or 25.5% (including annexed territories) of the territory of Israel.

Major historical events

• Until the 13th century BC. e. on the territory of the western bank of the Jordan River there were several city-states of various Canaanite peoples.
• During the XIII-XII centuries BC. e. these territories were taken over by Jewish tribes and have since become part of the Land of Israel. The name "Judea" was given to the territory that had departed from the tribe of Jews (in Jewish terminology - to the tribe of Yehuda).
• In the XI century BC. e. this territory became part of the united kingdom of Israel, the capital of which was the city of Hebron at first, and then Jerusalem became.
• After the collapse of the united kingdom of Israel in the X century BC. e. two kingdoms, Judah and Israel, were established on its former territory. The Israeli kings founded the new capital of their kingdom - the city of Samaria (Hebrew שומרון ‎). The territory adjacent to the new capital became known as Samaria.
• Jewish statehood was finally destroyed by the Roman Empire during the period of Emperor Hadrian in the 2nd century AD. e. after the Bar Kokhba rebellion. The land of Israel was renamed by the Romans into the province of Palestine, after the name of one of the peoples of the sea (Philistines, (Heb. פלישתים ‎) who lived in it in the past.
• Over the next 18 centuries, this territory was alternately part of the Roman Empire (until 395), the Byzantine Empire (395-614 and 625-638), the Arab Caliphate (614-625 and 638-1099) , possessions of the crusaders (1099-1187 and 1189-1291), Egypt (1187-1189), the Mongol Empire and the Khorezmians (1244-1263), Egypt (Mamluks) (1263-1516), Ottoman Empire (1516-1917) and British Mandate (1917-1948).

Modern history

Borders

The Jordan River forms the eastern border, the green line (the 1949 ceasefire line between Israel and the Arab armies) forms the border in the west. Israel erected a separation barrier along the West Bank border. In many places, the barrier runs deep into the West Bank and deviates from the 1949 ceasefire line. Israel explains the construction of the barrier by the need to protect its population from incessant incursions into Israeli territory since 2000 by suicide bombers. The construction of the barrier causes active protest from the Palestinians, since the barrier creates difficulties for movement, separates settlements from each other, and land plots from villages, de facto cuts off large areas of the West Bank in favor of Israel. Some Palestinian cities literally found themselves surrounded by a barrier on all sides. The existence of the barrier is one of the reasons Israel is accused of apartheid.

On political maps published in the USSR, the West Bank (within the boundaries of the UN resolution of 1947) began to be painted over in the colors of Jordan from the beginning of the 60s, while the Gaza Strip (including the coast to Ashdod, as well as part of the Negev along the border with Egypt) and the territory between Lebanon and the West Bank (Galilee) continued to be called, in accordance with the UN resolution, the territories of the Arab state. In connection with the proclamation of the State of Palestine in 1988, the territory of the West Bank was declared part of it, and on Soviet maps (as well as current Russian ones) the so-called. “Palestinian territories” (despite the recognition of the Palestinian state by the USSR on November 18, 1988, such a state did not appear on the maps; there are also no references to Palestine in the tables attached to the atlases with information about the states of the world). In view of the ongoing conflict situation in the region, the real borders and status of the West Bank of the Jordan River are interpreted by the opposing and sympathetic parties in different ways. However, the position of the UN remains unchanged in that these territories are not the territory of Israel, but are intended for the Arab state of Palestine.

Name

Cisiordan

Judea and Samaria

Prior to the emergence of the term "West Bank", during the British Mandate of Palestine, the region was referred to by the historical name "Judea and Samaria". UN Resolution No. 181 of 1947 on the division of the British Mandatory Territory also mentions part of the region of Judea and Samaria, placing the West Bank in the territory of the Arab State.

The Israelis most often use the historical name "Judea and Samaria", taken from the Tanakh - (Hebrew יהודה ושומרון ‎), also using the abbreviation "Yosh" (יו "ש), but sometimes (especially when it comes to international agreements) they use tracing paper" West Bank” (Hebrew הגדה המערבית ‎ “a-gada ha-maaravit”).

West Bank

Legal status of the territory

Israel disputes the definition of the territory of the West Bank r. Jordan (including East Jerusalem) as "occupied", insisting on the international term "disputed territory". The main arguments in favor of this position are the defensive nature of the Arab-Israeli war of 1948 and the Six-Day War (1967), the lack of recognized international sovereignty over these territories until 1967, and the historical right of the Jewish people to the land of Israel. A similar position is held by a number of Israeli and foreign politicians and leading lawyers.

After the occupation, Israel did not offer citizenship to the Arab residents of the West Bank and did not annex the territory (with the exception of East Jerusalem, which was officially annexed with the offer of citizenship to the local residents), but began to establish Jewish settlements there. The creation of these settlements has been repeatedly condemned by the UN and many states of the world, including the United States. The Israeli public organization "B'Tselem" claims that the free entry of Arabs into Jewish settlements is prohibited, without specifying that this is mainly due to the security of their inhabitants and the terrorist attacks carried out by Arabs in the settlements. A number of sources compare the situation in the West Bank to apartheid. A number of other sources reject this view, stating that the restrictions placed on Arab residents of the West Bank are solely for Israel's security. The issue of the status and continued construction of settlements in the West Bank is one of the key issues in the Arab-Israeli conflict. In November 2009, the Israeli government, under pressure from the US administration, as a gesture of goodwill, froze the construction of new houses in settlements (except East Jerusalem) for 10 months. This gesture did not lead to the resumption of peace negotiations with the Palestinian Authority, and in September 2010, despite the protests of the United States and a number of other states, construction in the settlements was resumed.

Much of the West Bank Jordan today is administered by the Palestinian National Authority.

Demographics

List of cities

see also

• Occupation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem by Jordan

Notes

1. United Nations plan for the partition of Palestine. 1947
2. State Institution of Geodesy and Cartography under the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Atlas of the World, 1982. Northwest Asia and Northeast Africa (map). General information about the states: - Jordan. Territory: 98 thousand square meters km.
3. LETTER DATED 5 MARCH 1968 FROM THE PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF ISRAEL TO THE UNITED NATIONS ADDRESSED TO THE SECRETARY-GENERAL // Security Council
4. Status of Jerusalem // CHAPTER I. The British Mandate, the Partition of Palestine by the United Nations and the De facto Partition of Jerusalem (1922-1966)
5. Summary of Security Council Resolutions on Settlements since 1967
6. Disputed territories: Forgotten Facts About the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Israeli Foreign Ministry (February 1, 2003). Archived
7. and others in the "Legal status" section
8. Israel to UN: West Bank ‘outside our boundaries’ // Delegation: We can’t enforce human rights in territories we don’t control. Jerusalem Post 07/16/2010
   • The delegation said that "Israel did not control these territories and thus could not enforce the rights under the Convention in these areas"
9. West Bank CIA World FactBook
10. Law no. 6 of 1954 on Nationality (last amended 1987) (En.). National Legislative Bodies, Jordan. Retrieved March 9, 2011.
11. The address to the nation. Address of King Hussein of Jordan to the nation on July 31, 1988
12. TREATY OF PEACE BETWEEN THE STATE OF ISRAEL AND THE HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN, October 26, 1994 Israeli Foreign Ministry
13. Israeli-Jordanian peace treaty. Article 3
14. Alfred E. Kellermann, Kurt Siehr, Talia Einhorn, T.M.C. Asser Institute. Israel among the nations: international and comparative law perspectives on Israel's 50th anniversary. - Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1998. - P. 146. - 392 p. - ISBN 9041111425
15. JURIST - Palestinian Authority: Palestinian law, legal research, human rights. jurist.law.pitt.edu. Archived from the original on August 21, 2011. Retrieved October 9, 2008.
16. United Nations General Assembly Resolution 181
17. Yechiel M. Leiter Crisis in Israel // APPENDIX. Questions asked about Israel and Yesha
18. The Status of Jerusalem (English) . Israeli Foreign Ministry (March 1999). Archived
19. Danny Ayalon Israel Palestinian Conflict: The Truth About the West Bank on YouTube English / rus.
20. Lawyer Elon Yarden: "According to international law, Judea and Samaria belong to Israel". News (April 6, 2000). Archived from the original on August 21, 2011. Retrieved January 6, 2010.
21. Benjamin Netanyahu"A place under the sun" . Archived from the original on August 21, 2011. Retrieved January 6, 2010.
22. Ruth Lapidot (English) Russian JERUSALEM: The Legal and Political Background (English) . Israeli Foreign Ministry // JUSTICE (No. 3, Autumn 1994). Archived from the original on 3 February 2012. Retrieved 8 October 2011.
23. The myth of "occupied" territories. ??? (July 3, 2001). Archived from the original on August 21, 2011. Retrieved January 6, 2010.
24. Dori Gold. Do not call the disputed territories occupied!
25. The stumbling block. International law is on Israel's side
26. INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE ARAB-ISRAEL CONFLICT Extracts from "Israel and Palestine - Assault on the Law of Nations" by Professor Julius Stone , Second Edition 2003
27. Professor, Judge Sir Lauterpacht, Jerusalem and the Holy Places, Pamphlet No. 19 (London, Anglo-Israel Association, 1968)
28. Sir Lauterpacht in 3. Jerusalem and the Holy Places // Reply, Eli E. Hertz, p. 37
29. Stephen M. Schwebel Justice in international law: selected writings of Stephen M. Schwebel. - Cambridge University Press, 1994. - P. 521-525. - 630p. - ISBN 0521462843
30. Land Grab B'Tselem
31. see, in particular: The terrorist attack in the settlement of Bat Ain (2009), the terrorist attack in the settlement of Itamar (2011) and others
32. Demographic report in West Bank territory
33. Religions in West Bank
34. Other statistics in West Bank

Links

• A. V. Krylov, "The West Bank of the Jordan, or Judea and Samaria" part 1, part 2, part 3 -
  article from the electronic edition "Strategic Culture Fund", 04-05.02.
• Ilan Troen(July 2011). - on the Jewish Virtual Library (JVL) website. Retrieved December 19, 2012.

Well, that's cool. You would defend the rights of the Jews with such fervor now if they lost the war for independence and demanded the creation of Israel

Undoubtedly. There would simply be no artificial conflict. Moreover, the prospects for Jews around the world and in this region would be an order of magnitude better than they are today. I would look further - Islamism itself in its current form would simply not exist. There would be a process of delimitation of the fragments of the Ottoman Empire under the control of the West.

According to your logic, Russia has no rights to Kaliningrad.

Where do you get such logic from? Russia has existed without Kaliningrad for millennia and its legal status has nothing to do with Kaliningrad. Israel is an artificial entity in the plans of the British Empire. And its existence is directly tied to the decisions of the THIRD party - everything is decided for Israel, and the player already sitting at the table took Kaliningrad for himself. Moreover, this player also had historical rights to both Finland and part of Poland. Understanding this, Kaliningrad is a small price and a decision taken by the entire world community. No one accepts the Israeli occupation of a newly created entity equal in status.

That is, Israel can not fight? Well, great logic.

That is, they demand a violation of UN decisions.

You can fight and he will have to do it again. I'm telling you about something else - you just don't be surprised later "what are we for?".

Following the logic of the Palestinians, you inevitably come to contradictions. On the one hand, an unconditional demand on Israel in the implementation of UN resolutions and, on the other hand, a completely optional implementation on the part of the Arabs.

Yes. Everything is exactly like that. The Arabs don't care. This is not a showdown between Jews and Arabs for the whole world. This is a civil conflict inside Palestine. There are two subjects here - the Jews of Palestine and the Arabs of Palestine. The fact that the Palestinians fell under the influence of the "neighboring Arabs" ... is their business and they suffer because of this. It is also the problem of Israel itself, which occupies the Palestinian state in every possible way, not allowing it to acquire subjectivity.

The plan for unilateral disengagement is one of the most promising, but without the withdrawal of our troops from the entire occupied territory, it is not feasible.

It is worth digging a little and highlighting this issue, as all the absurdity of the situation and requirements become visible.

Once again I will repeat to you - there is nothing to dig here, absolutely. There are simple and correct formulations that should be followed, without any attempt to deceitfully interpret them in your favor. By following the simple decisions of the International Community, Israel will de-foundate many of the slave forces in the region. But here elementary greed comes in, since the lands are rich and it is a pity to lose the loot.

The fact that the neighboring Arab countries, of which there are not so many radical ones, and which over the past 50 years seem to have begun to acquire the rudiments of their own statehood, are able to change their positions, and even if they do not change, does not affect the positions of big players. Having fulfilled the accepted norms, Israel will acquire its subjectivity and the right to count on its place in this world, while going against everyone, it is simply doomed to another "weighing of eggs." But it's like in a casino - you can't double all the time going for broke, and today the alignment of forces is such that the defeat of Israel from the same Iran will simply bury the entire British plan to create a "Jewish core".

In September 1993, Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization adopted a Declaration of Principles on Interim Arrangements for Palestinian Self-Government in the West Bank and Gaza during a transitional period. As part of a series of agreements signed between May 1994 and September 1999, Israel transferred authority over security and civil liability to the populated areas of the West Bank and Gaza to the Palestinian Authority (PA). Negotiations to determine the permanent status of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip stalled after the start of the intifada in September 2000, following the occupation of the most Palestinian-controlled areas by Israeli troops. In April 2003, the US, EU, UN and Russia presented a plan for the final settlement of the conflict in the period up to 2005, based on mutual reciprocal steps of the two states - Israel and democratic Palestine. Setting a date for a permanent status agreement has been put on hold indefinitely amid clashes and accusations that both sides are not living up to their obligations. Following the death of Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in late 2004, Mahmoud Abbas was elected president of the Palestinian Authority in January 2005. A month later, Israel and the PA agreed in Sharm el-Sheikh on commitments as part of efforts to advance the peace process. In September 2005, Israel unilaterally withdrew all of its settlers and military personnel and also dismantled its military installations in the Gaza Strip and four small northern settlements in the West Bank. Nevertheless, Israel continues to control maritime, airspace and access to the Gaza Strip. In November 2005, a Palestinian-Israeli agreement authorized the opening of the Rafah border crossing between the Gaza Strip and Egypt under joint Palestinian and Egyptian control. In January 2006, the Islamic resistance movement Hamas took control of the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC). The international community has refused to recognize the Hamas-led government because it does not recognize Israel, does not renounce violence, and refuses to honor previous peace agreements between Israel and the PA. Hamas took control of the PA government in March 2006, but President Abbas failed to make progress in negotiations with Hamas to adopt a political platform acceptable to the international community in order to lift economic sanctions against the Palestinians. In 2006 and early 2007, violent clashes took place between Fatah and Hamas supporters in the Gaza Strip, resulting in numerous injuries and deaths. Abbas and Mishal's Hamas Political Bureau signed an agreement in Mecca, Saudi Arabia in February 2007 that led to the formation of a Palestinian National Unity Government (NUG) led by Hamas member Ismail Haniyeh. However, fighting in the Gaza Strip continued, and in June Hamas militants forcibly took over all military and government offices in the Gaza Strip. Abbas dissolved the NUG and, through a series of presidential decrees, formed a Palestinian Authority government in the West Bank under the leadership of the independent Salam Fayyad. Hamas disagreed with the dissolution of the NUG and called for renewed talks with Fatah, but Abbas delayed negotiations until Hamas agreed to return control of the Gaza Strip to the PA and recognize Fayyad as head of government. Fayyad and the government implemented a series of security measures and implemented a series of economic reforms to improve living conditions in the West Bank. Abbas was involved in negotiations with Israeli Prime Minister Olmert to release some Palestinian prisoners held for customs revenues. In November 2007, at an international meeting in Annapolis, Maryland (USA), Abbas and Olmert agreed to resume peace talks with a view to reaching a final peace settlement before the end of 2008.

In the media, we are told a lot about some kind of Palestinian Authority, which is constantly fighting against Israel. On the maps, too, such territory is shown, usually in a different color than Israel itself. However, most people do not understand what kind of education it is and whether it can be considered a separate state. To reduce the Palestinian Autonomy to simply Palestine, as is customary with us, is not entirely correct, especially when talking with Arabs and people who sympathize with them, since they call the entire territory of Israel Palestine.

The Palestinian Autonomy consists of two parts that are not equal to each other in any respect. Cisiordan, or the territory of the "West Bank of the Jordan River", refers to the eastern part of the PA near the Jordanian border. According to international agreements, the West Bank also includes the eastern part of Jerusalem, including the Old City, but in reality, all of Jerusalem is completely subordinate to the Israelis, and the PA begins at the exit from the city. The Gaza Strip is a small area along the Mediterranean Sea near the Egyptian border, in fact a large metropolitan area of ​​Gaza.

Strictly speaking, the PA is not yet an independent state. Although the Arabs talk about how it would be nice to have such a state, there are very few signs of Palestinian statehood now: I noticed my own police and different license plates from Israeli ones. Rather, it would be more correct to compare the Palestinian Autonomy with Chechnya: it is precisely an autonomy within Israel, and a very restless one at that.

The outer borders of the PA (crossings of the Allenby Bridge with Jordan and Rafah with Egypt) are guarded by Israeli border guards and entry there is carried out on Israeli visas. There are Palestinian diplomatic missions in some countries, but they do not issue visas. There are no civilian airports in the PA, all fly through Tel Aviv or neighboring countries. Nothing is known about sea communication with Gaza. The state of Israel's internal border with the PA is not the same for the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. They enter Gaza from Israel from Ashkelon along highway No. 4. There is a checkpoint where a total raid is carried out, everyone's passports are checked and passport data is entered into the Scary Computer. In the future, every time they enter Israel (at any crossing), the border guards will ask why they went to Gaza. However, this is not so important, since, according to my information, for a couple of years, entry into Gaza for foreigners only with special passes. On the West Bank, things are much simpler. The fact is that if the Gaza Strip is a continuous inseparable territory inhabited (after the withdrawal of Jewish settlements) exclusively by Arabs, then the West Bank is something else. There are 5 cities there: Ram-Allah (aka Ramallah), Nablus, Jericho, Bethlehem, Hebron. These cities, in fact, are the West Bank, the Palestinian administration works there, there is the Palestinian police, and so on. All roads connecting these cities are controlled by the Israeli authorities. So, routes No. 1, No. 60 and No. 90 are entirely Israeli. Small settlements along the highways are inhabited by Arabs, but they can be called Palestinian rather conditionally. There are also so-called illegal Jewish settlements on the West Bank. These are not farms for a couple of houses at all, but mini-towns with panel high-rise buildings. There are checkpoints on the border of Israel itself with the West Bank, but they operate only in one direction - to enter Israel, they do not check cars with Israeli numbers. Cars with Palestinian license plates, including buses, are checked, locals are a little nagged, foreigners are not touched, nothing is written into the computer. Israelis often transit through the West Bank, for example, from Jerusalem to Eilat everyone goes along highways No. 1 and 90 bypassing Jericho, and from Jerusalem to Beer Sheva - along highway No. 60 through Hebron. The roads are good, slightly worse than Israeli ones. Israeli buses do not go to the West Bank, from Israel you can get on a regular basis by Palestinian buses, which travel from their own bus station at the Damascus Gate of Jerusalem. They say there are also buses from Afula to Nablus.

The only useful language in Palestine is Arabic, all signs and signs are on it. English signs (as well as English-speaking people) come across in tourist places. By religion, the vast majority of Palestinian Arabs (unlike Israelis) are Muslims. The exception is a significant number of Christians in Bethlehem. Shekels are used as money. Prices are slightly lower than Israeli and higher than Jordanian. Dumb in Palestine are the entire Gaza Strip, and in the West Bank - Ram-Allah and Hebron. Bethlehem is the most peaceful city, there are many pilgrims and tourists there.

It is very instructive to visit the West Bank. Sad spectacle. A sharp contrast with Israeli cleanliness and Europeanness is provided by gigantic heaps of garbage near settlements and inside them, shabby, unkempt houses, and general lack of land. Anger can be seen on the faces of the people. Of the pluses, one can note the Middle Eastern atmosphere that is rarely found in Israel, although it is still better to go to Jordan for it.

Bethlehem

A small town on the territory of the Palestinian Authority in the low hills 12 km south of Jerusalem. Known as the supposed birthplace of Jesus Christ. In Hebrew - Bet-Lechem, "house of bread." In Arabic - Bat-Lakhm, "house of meat." Road No. 60 Jerusalem - Hebron - Beer Sheva adjoins the city on the side, but you can get there not only along it, there are several small paths from Jerusalem. From Jerusalem, minibuses run from the Arab bus station for 4 shekels, they pass through the whole city and turn around at the bazaar (aka bus station), which is located at the junction of the city street with the highway at the southern end of the city. From there there are buses to Hebron. When returning to Jerusalem, Israeli cops can check the documents. The situation in the city is calm, there are many tourists and pilgrims, especially before both Christmases.

The main attraction of Bethlehem is the Church of the Nativity in the central square of the city. It is Orthodox, although in terms of it is similar to the Catholic one. There are numerous additions to the church, which give it a strange irregular shape, similar to CHG. The entrance to the church is made in the form of a small hole through which you can get through only by bending over strongly. The main Catholic shrine is the so-called Milk Grotto near the Church of the Nativity. This is a small cave with icons, above which there is a fairly large modern chapel. The city is full of other churches of various denominations. Also of interest are the central streets, where cheerful Arab life is in full swing and all sorts of things are sold.