Styles of Yakut folk songs. Folklore of the Sakha people as a source for the creation of the “Dictionary of the Yakut Language” by E.K.

A manual for teaching Yakut folklore in Russian-language schools

Introduction

Folklore called oral folk art. From the name itself it is clear that any folklore work is created by the whole people. It is not for nothing that the word “folklore” comes from the English words “folk” - “people” and “lore” - “wisdom”, that is, folk wisdom. The source of folklore was folk life. It has absorbed a variety of folklore genres. The folklore of every nation is peculiar and unique. Its origin, existence, form, content, language, artistic media have their own national identity, their own unique specificity. Over the course of many centuries, people have created truly unique folklore, characterized by deep content and great genre diversity. The mighty force of artistic generalization embodied in it the history of the people, their experience and traditions, national character, ideals, ideological and aesthetic concepts. Folklore plays an important role in the development of a person’s inner world. The genres of Yakut folklore are vast and attractive. The enchanting sounds of khomus, funny tongue twisters, folk songs, osuokhai, and toyuk are of great interest to children of all ages. Mastering the genres of folklore leads to the development of the child as an individual who loves his folk culture and appreciates the customs and traditions of other cultures.

Relevance: We live in interesting and difficult times, when we begin to look at many things differently, rediscover and re-evaluate many things. First of all, this refers to our past, which most people know superficially. To turn to your origins means to restore the connection of times, to return lost values. Folklore will help with this, because its content is the life of the people, human experience, the spiritual world of man, his thoughts, feelings, experiences.

The inexhaustible source of traditional folk culture makes it possible to find various ways to optimize the process of educational and developmental education for schoolchildren, helps solve the problems of moral and aesthetic education, and develop the creative abilities of the younger generation.

Problem: a lot has been written on the teaching methods of Yakut folklore, you can find good literature, manuals, programs, but these works are mainly aimed at Yakut-speaking children in Yakut schools. And for teaching Russian-speaking children, we can say that there are no literatures at all; if there are, they are superficial and do not provide the essence, originality, and brightness of Yakut folklore. And a big question arises: how to teach Russian-speaking children Yakut folklore, how to convey the enchanting sounds of khomus, funny tongue twisters, folk songs, osuokhay, toyuk, olonkho so that the child is absorbed by the beauty of Yakut folklore.

During the work of the “House of Children's Creativity” in the village of Kysyl-Syr, asking the above questions, she developed her own methods and techniques for teaching small and song forms of Yakut folklore. Based on knowledge of the teachings and skills of their students, as well as their results in various competitions, in my opinion, these methods most effectively convey the richness of Yakut folklore.

Comparative study of small forms of Yakut folklore.

(Proverbs, sayings, riddles, tongue twisters)

Riddles, proverbs, and sayings contain unique material for enriching speech, since works of oral folk art, by their nature, are most designed for pronunciation. Accuracy, laconicism and accuracy of the folk word - all this helps to develop figurative, expressive, and rich intonation skills in schoolchildren.

Folk literature helps to understand the essence fiction, turn to the language, national culture of a native speaker, bring the listener and reader closer to understanding the spiritual world.

Goal of the work - using the principle of comparison and contrast, to generate interest in Yakut folklore

Job objectives:

1. Identify the features of the themes of small forms of Russian and Yakut folklore;

2. Be able to find and identify proverbs, sayings and riddles in the text;

3. Carry out a comparative analysis of the means of artistic expression of proverbs, sayings and riddles;

Proverbs and sayings can serve as meaningful material for literary development. Proverbs and sayings of the Russian and Yakut peoples are typologically similar in ideological and thematic content and poetic structure. Russian proverbs, like Yakut ones, consist of one or two sentences, correlated according to the principle of coordinating and subordinating connections. In the richest proverbial arsenal of the Yakuts there are many proverbs and sayings that completely coincide both in content and form with Russian proverbs and sayings. For example:

At the same time, there are such small forms in Yakut folklore that reflect the national identity and imaginative thinking of the Yakuts. For example:

The proverb (өс nomo5o) is close in its external and some internal features to the proverb (өс xohooо). The saying also occupies a prominent place in Yakut folk art. It prepares the minds of listeners for future bold comparisons and teaches them to search for the hidden meaning of words. By comparing Yakut and Russian proverbs and sayings, we learn to note the varying degrees of similarity of these individual genres: in some cases we can talk about ideological and thematic similarity, in others - about the synonymy of proverbs that differ in plot from each other. For example:

Riddles occupy a special place in oral folk art. As a unique genre of folklore, riddles have great cognitive and educational significance. Images of riddles help to understand the surrounding reality, natural and social phenomena, develop imagination and observation, resourcefulness and ingenuity.

The variety of riddle forms and their syntactic structure. In some cases, the riddle is based on a description of the appearance of an object, on a comparison of two objects. And this is found in Russian and Yakut folklore. For example:

Very often used in Russian and Yakut riddles metaphorical comparison:

It is important to pay attention to riddles based on the principle of negative comparison, as well as personification:

The essence and peculiarity of sayings was more difficult for teachers to assimilate than proverbs. In order to include sayings in the general system of works of oral folk art, to form a more complete idea of ​​the uniqueness of this genre, I used the technique of comparison. For example:

Such a scheme, in my opinion, helps the pupil to more accurately and clearly see the similarities and differences between the works of two small genres of oral folk art. In the course of explaining the differences between proverbs and sayings, students had a clear idea of ​​the features of these genres. As can be seen from the examples, students receive a visual understanding of the national identity of the proverbs and sayings of each nation.

The comparative and contrastive method of teaching small forms of Russian and Yakut folklore contributes to a more durable and conscious assimilation of the national identity of each literature. It contributes to their mastery of spiritual values, the development of artistic and aesthetic taste and creative potential of schoolchildren, and the formation of their moral positions. In this regard, the role of folklore is significant, familiarity with which develops the cognitive activity of schoolchildren, improves the culture of thinking, contributes to their deep understanding of the origins of their native culture and understanding of respect for other cultures.

on teaching the Yakut song culture of the Sakha people

The living traditions of folk musical culture, the international language of music, understandable to people of any nationality, contribute to the rapprochement and mutual understanding of people. In addition, the enchanting sounds of folk instruments, taking their roots from time immemorial and synchronized with the sounds of nature at the very beginning of their inception, are capable of influencing the psycho-emotional state of a person. As our ancestors said, double his joy, disperse, dispel sadness, heal from illnesses. And the ability to play any musical instrument contributes to the development of a person’s intellectual potential and harmonizes the psycho-somatic state of the body. It is especially important to introduce children to folk music at an early school age. Since ethno music develops in children artistic perception the surrounding world, awakens creative imagination, promotes self-identification in society, awareness of oneself as part of the cultural and historical layer of any nationality, a unique individual, strengthens the sense of pride in one’s people and tolerance. Propaganda of traditional music should be carried out on a par with propaganda classical music, since ethnic music and folklore are precisely the foundations on which, already at the genetic level, the foundations of a person’s connection with his people, history and culture are laid, his entire spiritual component is based.

Problem: there is a lack of methodological literature in teaching Russian-speaking children Yakut folklore.

Goal: to identify effective techniques and methods for teaching children the song culture of the Sakha people.

Identify the features of song culture

Apply different teaching methods

Introducing children to the song culture of the Sakha people

The song folklore of the Sakha people is rich not only in genre, but also in theme and unique manner of performance.

To familiarize children with folklore genre Toyuk and folk songs, I propose to start with the question What are “toyuk” and “folk songs”? This will give children the opportunity to engage in partial search work. Thus, we will generate children’s interest in studying further, learning more about “toyuk” and “folk songs”

Training methods:

visual method (the teacher himself must show how to perform it)

Visually auditory (recordings of folk performers such as A. Badaeva, U. Noskhorov, S. Zverev, etc.)

Analysis of the melody (using a musical instrument (piano, button accordion) to analyze the entire melody note by note).

Parsing the text (I suggest starting with simple phrases since the Yakut language itself is very difficult for Russian-speaking children to pronounce and some words cannot be translated)

Melody + text (on a musical instrument, syllable by syllable, combine all the material by notes)

To consolidate, staged work is required, and all children must be in the roles. This could be excerpts from children's Olonkho or plot and production works invented by you.

Osuokhai in ancient times was danced only on Ysyakh, it was of a ritual nature, the worship of the sun and deities. Osuokhai. Types of Osuokhai singing differ in tempo, melody, rhythm and theme.

Introduction (Osuo-osuo-osuokai, this seems to call, calls people to dance. Serves as a signal to start the dance)

Basics

Climax (Kotutuu)

Conclusion

Varieties of osuokhaya:

Buluuluu osuokai is an extended unison melody.

Ammalyy osuokhai is rhythmic, sung in 2 lines, the movements are significantly different from other osuokhai

Nayakhalyy osuokhay's peculiarity lies in the rhythm, because this type was previously sung only by residents of the northern uluses (northern Yakuts). And you can feel the fusion of two cultures - the Sakha people and the northern peoples.

Ysyakh osuokhaya

Ilin energy osuokhai is more rhythmic and dynamic than the dances of the Vilyui ulus group.

To teach Russian-speaking children how to osokhai, I propose to teach it in stages, comparing it with Russian round dance, using a visual teaching method. This will enable the correct formation of skills in performing osuokhaya.

Stage 1 - analysis of movements

Stage 2 - analysis of the melody

Stage 3 - text analysis

Analysis of movements for example:

Analysis of melodies for example:

A comparative, visual, step-by-step teaching method, in my opinion, gives the most effective result in the formation of correct knowledge and skills in teaching the song folklore of the Sakha people.

Folklore and traditional rituals of the Yakuts

Yakut folklore includes poetic works performed during traditional rituals - regulated actions dedicated to various moments in the life of the human collective and its individuals. In the past, the Yakuts performed many rituals associated with the reverence of the surrounding world, hunting, fishing, cattle breeding and crafts, as well as with the life of the family, clan, tribe, community, ethnic group, etc.

It should be noted that the Yakuts had both religious and non-religious rituals. Unfortunately, their ratio has not yet been the subject of research.

The attention of scientists was more attracted to rituals associated with the traditional religious beliefs of the Yakuts. A significant contribution to the study of this problem was made by I.A. Khudyakov, V.L. Seroshevsky, G.V. Ksenofontov, A.A. Popov, I.S. Gurvich and N.A. Alekseev. Thanks to their efforts, the order of rituals is mainly described, based on the requirements of the traditional beliefs of the Yakuts, from the worship of spirits and deities, i.e. regulated by Yakut mythology.

Less studied are non-religious rituals that were based on the rational experience of the people and consolidated customs that support cultural, social and age-gender relationships of the ethnic group. The well-wishes of younger members of the team, well-wishes for the bride and groom, and well-wishes of a guest for the hosts have not been the subject of special research by ethnographers and folklorists. The specifics of works of ritual poetry from a folkloristic point of view have been studied even less.

The first attempt to classify the ritual folklore of the Yakuts was made by G.U. Ergis. He identified the following groups of rituals: cattle breeding, fishing, family and household rituals. Out of sight G.U. Ergis completely lost the rituals associated with the craft. In addition, pastoral rituals were not fully represented. Thus, the group of cattle breeding did not include rituals in honor of the patron deity of horse breeding, Dzhosegyoya, rituals at the birth of calves and foals, and rituals performed during haymaking. In the fishing rituals of G.U. Ergis included only part of the hunting ones. This group should also include the rituals of fishermen, as well as rituals associated with the hunt for bears, lynxes and foxes, and actions taken in the event of prolonged failure in hunting. G.U. is far from completely covered. Ergis and family and household rituals. He briefly touched on the cult of fire and wedding ceremonies. The family rituals, of course, include those performed when asking deities for a child, the birth of children, those associated with raising children, and funerals.

Due to the fact that ritual poetry as a genre of folklore of the peoples of Siberia has not been the subject of in-depth study. The main editorial board of the series “Monuments of folklore of the peoples of Siberia and Far East“held a special scientific and practical conference in 1985 dedicated to this problem. The conference was led by Doctor of Historical Sciences B.N. Putilov. N.A. made a report on the classification of rituals. Alekseev, one of the authors of this article. The report indicated that many Yakut rituals were accompanied by the performance of works of ritual poetry. It is noted that the Yakuts and other indigenous peoples of Siberia widely used spells, good wishes, hymns, round dance songs, curses, laments, etc. In addition, it was proposed to cover rituals associated with hunting, fishing and cattle breeding according to the calendar principle.

The book by S.D. is devoted to the problems of studying ritual songs. Mukhopleva “Yakut folk ritual songs”, in which the author, based on the functional-poetic principle, conducts a genre classification of ritual songs. The work mainly examines maternity, wedding, calendar song complexes and songs accompanying the ritual. Thus, in scientific research Only the first steps have been taken in the ritual poetry of the Yakuts.

The situation is more favorable with the recording and collection of works of ritual poetry. But here, unfortunately, in most cases only the texts of spells, choruses of round dances, etc. were written down, and no attention was paid to the musical side. The recording of works of ritual poetry began in the 19th century. Of the pre-revolutionary researchers, the most notable contribution was made by political exiles I.A. Khudyakov and V.M. Ionov. The first studied the Yakut language, ethnography and folklore in 1867 - 1868. Among the works of oral folk art recorded by him, there are examples of ritual poetry. They were included by I.A. Khudyakov in the book “A Brief Description of the Verkhoyansk District,” published only a hundred years after it was written.

A significant number of works of ritual poetry in the Yakut language were collected by V.M. and M.N. Ionov. The bulk of their materials date back to 1894 - 1896, during the activities of the Sibiryakov Expedition. Of particular interest to V.M. Ionov was interested in the beliefs of the Yakuts, which is why religious spells predominate in his collection. Most of the Ionovs’ materials were included in a collection prepared for publication by A.A. Popov in 1940. These were spells associated with the veneration of the spirits of the Upper, Middle and Lower worlds, as well as with various aspects of human life. A.A. Popov made a word-by-word translation of these materials. Unfortunately, the collection remained unpublished and is stored in the archive (AIV, f. 22, op. 1).

In Soviet times, a significant number of texts of works of Yakut ritual poetry were recorded. It is known that A.A. Popov conducted an intensive collection of material in the Vilyui region of the YASSR in 1925. His notes are kept in the archives of the Kunstkamera (formerly the Leningrad part of the Institute of Ethnography and Anthropology of the USSR Academy of Sciences), but the leadership did not allow N.A. Alekseev to these materials. Therefore, it was not possible to include A.A.'s recordings. Popov in this volume and give their folkloristic analysis.

The main fund of Yakut ritual poetry was accumulated by employees of the IYALI YaF SB AS USSR (now IGI AN RS (Y)) and lovers of folk poetry. The most valuable recordings were made by S.I. Bolo, A.A. Savvin, A.S. Poryadin, G.U. Ergis, G.M. Vasiliev, I.S. Gurvich et al.

Speaking about the sources of ritual poetry, one should pay attention to the fact that until the 80s. XX century The researchers wrote down texts mainly by hand. And, as you know, works of ritual poetry are examples of not only poetic, but also musical creativity of the people. This gap in recording ritual poetry was filled to a certain extent during the complex folklore expedition of the IIFF SB AS USSR and IYALI YaF SB AS USSR in 1986 (hereinafter referred to as KFE), when the expedition participants recorded on tape samples of various spells, good wishes and round dance chants -dry.

A number of valuable tape recordings were made by E.E. Alekseev in the 1970s - 1980s. He was the first to collect materials about lamentations in dreams, spells for initiation into blacksmiths, samples of shamanic rituals, etc.

The culture of the northern Yakuts has its own characteristics, so the volume includes samples that reflect the main occupation of this group - reindeer herding. Partial information about local options is given in the comments to the volume.

The poetic works that accompany most traditional rituals are called algys by the Yakuts. The ambiguity of this word was noted by E.K. Pekarsky: algys - “1) blessing, good wishes...”. In essence, the word algys was used by the Yakuts to designate various types of works of ritual poetry - good wishes, blessings, prayers, incantations, spells and hymns.

As is known, Yakut rituals were divided into individual and collective. They had to be accompanied by certain poetic texts. Of course, not every Yakut performing the ritual individually was a poet. In the process of the long existence of ritual poetry, a set of traditional clichés developed that had to be pronounced when performing specific rituals.

During collective rituals, the performance of algyses was entrusted to the most respected or most gifted person, who had the gift of performing algyses. The Yakuts called such people algyschyt (literally “caster, well-wisher”). They knew the traditions of rituals well and skillfully performed Yakut songs in the die-buo style (see musicological article). The Yakut Algyschyts apparently created a huge number of poetic works. A small part of them is included in this publication.

When compiling the volume, we considered it necessary to start it with samples of spells in honor of the spirits who are the owners of the earth (terrain, homeland). According to the beliefs of the Yakuts, each territory had its own mistress. With a respectful attitude toward her, she patronized those living on “her” land or those who arrived in her “possession.” In connection with this, in the past the Yakuts made sacrifices to her. According to customs, a special sacrifice to the spirit-mistress of the earth was arranged once a year - in the spring, when the first grass grew, the leaves bloomed on the trees. As a gift, they hung tufts of horse hair, strips of cloth or salama on the sacred birch tree - a ritual rope woven from horse hair, decorated with tufts of mane hair or ribbons, and treated the hostess spirit with dairy products. During the ritual, a spell was pronounced or sung. It usually began with an appeal to the hostess spirit, then the benefits that were asked from her were listed: protection of livestock and children, care for increasing wealth and offspring (text No. 1). The size of the spell depended, as a rule, on the talent of the algyschyt. For example, he could color an appeal to the spirit mistress of the earth with figurative descriptions of her appearance, supplement the spell with a colorful list of dairy products offered to her, etc. (text no. 3).

The spring sacrifice to the mistress of the land belonged to the preventive rites of the Yakuts. The mistress of the earth was also contacted in cases where misfortune befell the family. Thus, the ritual of sacrifice to the spirit-mistress of the earth was organized during epidemics. An example of a spell cast in case of misfortune is text No. 4 in our volume. It begins with an appeal to the spirit mistress of the earth, then the caster speaks about his misfortune and asks for deliverance from it.

Thus, the content of the spells of the mistress of the earth varied depending on the reason for which the sacrifice was made to her.

Let us note that rites in honor of the spirit-mistress of the land were also performed by those temporarily located on its territory. They expressed their respect for her and begged her not to harm them.

Numerous works of ritual poetry were performed in rituals associated with hunting and fishing. This part can be divided into two groups of rituals performed: 1) to obtain good luck in fishing or to preserve it; 2) with prolonged failures in hunting and fishing.

According to the beliefs of the Yakuts, the result of a hunt often depended not on the skill and knowledge of the hunter, but on the will of the master spirit of the forest Baai Bayanay, the spirits subordinate to him, as well as the spirits that prevent the hunt. Therefore, before the start of the hunt, the Yakuts made sacrifices to them, treated them to food or vodka, and cast spells in which they turned to the spirits with a request to be supportive and grant them prey. Treats and requests were based on the fact that all spirits, having a fantastic or zoomorphic appearance, supposedly could understand human speech, eat food, i.e. resembled people in appearance and needs.

Sometimes, to make a sacrifice, an anthropomorphic image of the spirit-owner of the forest, an idol called hoiguo, was first made from a piece of wood. It was stuck into the ground and half of the hoiguo's face was smeared (“treated”) with fat or fresh blood from freshly hunted game. They promised to smear the other half if they were successful in the hunt. A certain deceit can be traced here: the spirit was, as it were, lured by the opportunity to receive a sacrifice again. It is with this custom that the phrase khaannaah hoiguo is associated - literally, “with blood”, “bloody hoiguo”.

Before going hunting, they performed fortune-telling by casting lots for luck with some object: a wooden cup, a tambourine beater, a deer hoof, etc. Fortune telling began with the casting of a spell (No. 10 - 12). If the prediction was successful, the hunters went to hunt in high spirits.

In conversations among themselves, the participants in the hunt used allegorical speech. Bear - “old man”, “forest animal”, elk - “long-legged”, etc. This specificity of the hunters’ speech was reflected in the published spells. In them, the names of animals are in most cases replaced by descriptive epithets. For example, the deer was called “branch-horned” - ergene muostaah (No. 5); moose - “having convex knee joints” - tuora tobuktaakh; beasts of prey - “having sharp fangs” - ardai abyylaakh (No. 6), etc.

In case of prolonged failure in hunting, the Yakuts considered it obligatory to perform the Barylaakh tardar ritual “Summoning (or attracting) Barylaakh.” Here, the word Barylaakh “Owner of everything” or “Abundant” allegorically refers to the master spirit of the forest (for a detailed description of the rituals, see). In general terms, the ritual was carried out like this. A hunter or a specially invited shaman made a new anthropomorphic idol from a piece of wood about one meter in size. A treat was placed in front of the idol: a bowl of boiled meat, a cup of salamat, a bottle of vodka. Then the performer of the ritual pronounced or sang a spell. It was in many ways similar to the spell of the master spirit of the forest before the start of the hunt. Additionally, fragments were introduced in which the hunter asked the spirit owner of the forest what caused his dissatisfaction, asked him to relent and generously provide him with prey (No. 12).

The ritual for the loss of hunting success was carried out the same way among all local groups of Yakuts, only among the northern Yakuts the hoiguo was called Chychypkan.

Yakutia is rightfully considered a country of thousands of lakes. The lakes contain an abundance of crucian carp and loaches. The rivers are rich in a variety of fish. Almost all types of river fish are found there. Of these, the most valuable are nelma, broad white salmon, sturgeon, sterlet, muksun, omul, whitefish, lenok and tugunok (Sosvinskaya herring). Lake fishing was of great importance for Yakut farms. This was due to the fact that fishing was carried out in the summer using tops, set nets and ties. They were examined every day in between by one of the family members. The caught fish was immediately eaten. They caught fish with a seine in the fall and early winter. In early spring, crucian carp were caught on the lakes with a kuyuur, “a large hair net with a long handle.” In places where fish hibernate, they made a hole and through it they scooped out crucian carp, sleepy and inactive. The catch was quite rich. Fishing on large rivers was practically carried out by the rich Yakuts, who had seines. Those living near the rivers set up stakes in the rivers flowing into large rivers and caught fish with tops and nets. In the annual menu of the pre-revolutionary Yakuts, fish occupied a prominent place: by spring, meat supplies ran out, and spring ice fishing saved them from hunger strikes. From early spring until the autumn cold, the Yakuts rarely slaughtered livestock for meat; they preferred to eat fish and game (hunting migratory birds, catching ducklings that did not fly, autumn hunting for ducks, geese, upland game and hares). According to V.L. Seroshevsky, each Yakut family consumed from 320 to 480 kg of crucian carp and small lake and river fish per year. Thus, fishing played a significant role in the economy of the Yakuts.

Rituals associated with fishing are in many ways similar to hunting ones. According to the beliefs of the Yakuts, success in fishing depended on the will of the master spirits of lakes and rivers. Therefore, before fishing, the Yakuts made sacrifices to these spirits and turned to them with a spell, asking for a good catch. Thus, in text No. 17, the conjurer complains that the spirit mistress of the earth and his other patron spirits gave too little of “their abundance” this year, i.e. cattle products, and asks the mistress of the lake to give fish. In his address, he says that the mistress of the lake is the elder sister of the deities Ayyysyt and Ieyiehsit, i.e. she is more important than them. According to Yakut mythology, Ayyysyt and Ieyiekhsit belonged to the main deities of ayyy, the patrons of the clan and tribe. Although the fishermen each time turned to the master spirit of a certain body of water, analysis of the texts shows that they were in the process of forming ideas about the main patron spirit of fishing. In text No. 17 he is called Toyon Eriehiye Baai. The one who cast the spell called him the owner of the great river, waters, all alaas with lakes, taiga lakes, the patron saint of all fishermen: those who set the tops, and those who fish with ties and nets, and those who use boats for fishing. In text No. 25, the mistress of the river is recognized as the steward of the fish; she allegedly divides the fish among all her tributaries.

An analysis of published texts shows, firstly, that among the Yakuts there was a mixture of the functions of the master spirits of the ancestral or personal territory and the spirits of reservoirs. In some cases, the Yakuts asked for good luck in fishing from the spirit mistress of the area where the fishing was carried out. This was due to the fact that she was considered the owner of everyone who lives on her territory - animals, birds and fish (No. 19). Secondly, in the spells it is clearly visible that the herder is making the request. In text No. 24, the fisherman asks the spirit mistress of the river to become like the givers of cattle:

Boil white milk

Always exude oil and fat,

The mistress of my [river] is my grandmother! (st. 50 - 52).

In text No. 21, the fisherman treats the spirit-mistress of the water with the best livestock products: kumiss, butter, cream. Sometimes in spells it is emphasized that the mistress of the lake is the savior in difficult times for the cattle breeder - during years of drought, lack of food, during periods of famine (No. 17, 20, 21, 23). In the past, poor Yakuts often ran out of food supplies at the end of winter, and in early spring, before the appearance of greenery and the arrival of migratory birds, seasons of forced hunger began.

The mixing of the functions of the master spirits of land and water can also explain the fact that in No. 24 the mistress spirit of the river is equated with the epic mistress spirit of the native land, living in the sacred family tree Aal Luukmae. As you know, she feeds some epic heroes with her breasts, endows them with heroic strength, allowing them to suck her breasts three times. In the analyzed text, the fisherman asks:

From your two breasts, like the elastic furs [made of skin] of rich neighbors, Let me suck the milk, Feed us with care! (st. 40 - 44).

In this case, as in the epic, the milk of the mistress of the river is presented as a magical remedy that gives strength or supports life.

The master spirits of reservoirs, according to the Yakuts, could, just like the spirit masters of forests, deprive fishermen of luck and leave them without a catch. This, as a rule, was explained by the “desecration” of fishing gear by a woman, the participation in fishing of a person who had recently attended a funeral, etc. . In such cases, the Yakuts staged a ritual of purifying fishing tools with fire. The first part of the spell consisted of turning to the spirit-owner of the fire for help (see more below), and the second coincided with the usual spell before starting fishing, only a fragment was added with a request to forgive the sin committed [Ibid., p. 61 - 63].

In general, the worship of the spirit masters of the earth, forests and water bodies was associated with the need to establish regulated relations between man and nature.

An important part was the rituals associated with traditional life and economy. These are, first of all, rituals performed during the establishment of the Yakut estate and hearth. According to the customs of the Yakuts, after building a new yurt, it was necessary to read a spell based on ideas about heavenly and earthly patron deities. It emphasized that the yurt was built at the behest of the head of the bright heavenly deities Aiy Toyon, who predestined the owner to have children, raise cattle and horses, and create a prosperous cattle breeding farm. Then they asked the light patron spirits to protect them from any misfortune. A significant part of the spell was dedicated to the spirit of the owner of the hearth. They begged him to protect those living in this house from evil spirits. In conclusion, they turned to the head of the light deities, Aiy Toyon, with the request: “Send your bright breath directly to my house.” This came from the belief that every Yakut is connected by an invisible thread with the Upper World, where the bright aiyy deities live. As long as this connection is intact, the person lives safely; if it is interrupted, the person will die. In other words, the owner asked Aiyy Toyon to take his home under protection (No. 27).

The ritual of sacrifice to the spirit-owner of the yurt was also performed when moving from the winter road to the summer road and back. The spell during these rituals practically coincided with the spell when moving into a new yurt. This ritual was part of the ceremonies carried out at places of long-term residence, such as winter and summer estates. This complex included rituals in honor of the spirits who owned the courtyard, the hitching post and the hearth. According to the beliefs of the Yakuts, the spirit-mistress of the yard ensures milk abundance, fertility and safety of livestock, so sacrifices were made to her on the day of arrival at the summer or winter roads, as well as in cases when the livestock fell ill. The sacrifice was accompanied by a spell in which the spirit-mistress of the court was asked for well-being for her livestock and its multiplication (No. 28).

The master spirit of the hitching post (serge) was considered a celestial being. This is apparently due to the fact that the patron spirit of horse breeding, Josegöy, lived in the sky. The master spirit of the hitching post was recognized as the protector of the entire yard, i.e. its functions coincided with the functions of the master spirit of the courtyard. In the spell of the master spirit, the hitching posts were asked to protect people and livestock from evil spirits (No. 29).

The most revered of the patron spirits of the clan and family was the master spirit of the hearth. Any fire, according to the beliefs of the Yakuts, had an owner spirit; more precisely, the properties of a living being, an independent entity, were attributed to fire. Fire was recognized as a mediator - an intermediary between people and spirits. Through the fire they treated the spirits, who were “saturated with the smell, smoke and steam of the burnt treat,” i.e. the victim turned into a substance accessible to spirits. Along with this, the Yakuts had faith in the spirit of the owner of the home, who was the protector of the family and clan from the machinations of evil spirits, from any misfortune. This multifunctionality of fire led to the fact that in many rituals they first turned to the spirit-owner of the hearth. For example, before the ritual began, the shaman made a sacrifice to the smoldering fire on the fireplace and asked to protect those present and help them. The ritual itself took place in semi-darkness. Perhaps this was partly due to the need to protect the shamanic spirits from fire, since, having become angry, they could harm the inhabitants of the yurt where the shamanic mystery was performed.

The spirit-owner of the hearth constantly guarded the home; in the past, the Yakuts treated him to the first spoon and the first piece of cooked food. At the same time, out loud or silently they asked him to eat and treat himself. In especially important cases, a spell was addressed to the host spirit. The volume and artistic merit of the spells depended on the talent of their performers. Here the properties of fire, its power and greatness were often masterfully sung. For example, one of the published texts says that the fire sparks are free, scarlet and huge (the size of a horse’s head); its heat upward reaches the three-layered high white sky, penetrates deep into the habitat of the eight tribes of evil spirits, etc. Then the caster of the spell asked for protection from evil spirits and misfortunes for everyone, noting that the spirit owner of the fire protected the owners of this house in the past, and begged to protect the owners now, and in the future, their descendants (No. 32).

The cycle of spells and good wishes relates to wedding rituals. The main part of the traditional Yakut wedding was the rite of tyusya barar (lit., “to arrive to seal the marriage agreement”), which was arranged after the payment of part of the bride price - the bride price, seeing her off to the groom’s residence and the wedding feast in the house of his parents (for more details, see) .

The tyusya barar ceremony took place in the house of the bride's parents. The groom came to the holiday, accompanied by relatives. The groom's train was headed by his parents or a respectable senior relative who agreed to be the senior matchmaker. On the bride's side, the celebration was attended by her parents, close relatives and respected, most often wealthy, people from her father's family. The main part of this ritual is a bountiful feast for future relatives. The bride's father distributed part of the bride price to invited relatives, who were supposed to participate in collecting the dowry for the bride. Gifts were also given to the groom's guests of honor, who, as a rule, contributed a certain share of the bride price.

Note that all relatives took turns participating in the payment of dowry, i.e. this was part of tribal mutual assistance, stipulated by the customary law of the Yakuts. The most specific of the spells and good wishes performed during the tyusya barar ritual was the spell cast by the groom when treating the spirit of the owner of the fire in the bride’s house. In it, to the traditional fire spell, a request was added to the groom to take him under his protection.

After the feast, the bride and groom spent their first wedding night at the tyusya barar ritual. From then on, the groom received visiting rights future wife in her house until full payment of the dowry (son-in-law). Only after this the groom came for the bride and took her away. This stage of the Yakut wedding was also accompanied by a feast and a number of rituals. At the feast, traditional pre-wedding wishes were said. The wishes of the father of the bride said that he addresses the future spouses on behalf of himself and his patron spirits, wishes them to become the masters of a blessed home, caring parents children who will continue the family line, owners of numerous livestock, “breadwinners for the hungry and warmers for the cold.” In his spell, the father especially noted the need for harmony in the family and expressed the wish that evil forces would not touch the new family (No. 36). The bride's mother and other relatives also wished her happiness in her future family life (No. 37, 38). In the morning, before leaving, the bride treated the spirit of the owner of the hearth, thanked him for his protection and said goodbye to him. A gratitude spell was performed by the bride when the wedding train left the ancestral territory. Upon entering the groom's lands, the bride treated the spirit-mistress of this land and cast a spell asking not to offend her, considering her a foreigner, and to accept her under her protection (No. 41). Sometimes this spell was cast by a member of the wedding train who had a poetic gift and was skilled in performing ritual songs.

The final part of the wedding ceremony began from the moment the wedding train entered the alaas, where the yurt of the groom's parents stood. In the distant past, rituals in the house of the bride’s parents and especially in the groom’s native alaas were a demonstration of the strength and wealth of clans united by family ties. This was most clearly evident at the end of the 19th century. in the rituals performed upon the arrival of the wedding train at the groom’s residence. As soon as the wedding train appeared on the horizon, a rider rushed towards it from the groom's house. Having arrived, he turned around and rushed back. A man accompanying the bride, riding on the best horse, set off in pursuit of him. If the owners were ahead, it was believed that happiness future family They provided, and if on the contrary, then the bride’s relatives.

The next competition was a fire-making competition. It was held at the entrance of the wedding train to the estate. The bride drove up to a special wedding hitching post placed to the east of the house. None of those who arrived got off their horses. Only one person from the bride’s entourage jumped off his horse, ran to the door of the house and began to strike fire with a flint. His rival on the groom's side climbed onto the yurt and began to strike a fire over the chimney of the fireplace. If a newcomer was the first to strike a fire, he threw it inside the house towards the fireplace, and if he was standing at the top, then into the chimney. The one who was ahead cast a spell in which he emphasized that it was his family that bestowed happiness on the newlyweds (No. 42). Only after this ceremony did the greeters take the reins of the bride’s horse and lower her from the saddle, and they also received the rest of the guests with honor. The bride was led into the house, here she was greeted with good wishes to become the mistress of an abundant house, to have many children, numerous livestock, etc. (No. 43).

A component of the wedding ritual was the ritual of the bride treating the spirit of the home in the house of the groom's parents, introducing her to the fire of his family. Having treated the host spirit, the bride conjured him to take her under his protection. Basically, this spell was a variation of the regular fire master spirit spell.

On the day of the bride's arrival, a feast was held at which many good wishes were said. Then various competitions and games were held, osuokhai were started, and olonkho “heroic tales” were sometimes performed.

As P.A. correctly noted. Sleptsov, the full range of wedding ceremonies was performed only by rich Yakuts. The less wealthy were limited to a festive dinner, but the performance of spells from the spirit of the owner of the fire and good wishes to the newlyweds was an obligatory component of any wedding. Yakut wedding rituals also had local characteristics. We found it possible to include in this volume, as an example of wedding poetry, a recording by V.M. and M.N. Ionov about the participation of the spirit of Bologur aiyyt as an honorary matchmaker (for a description of these rituals, see text No. 44). This material is also an example of the participation of black shamans in wedding rituals. In ordinary weddings they did not play a special role. White shamans did not always participate in weddings either, but only in cases where the newlyweds were their close blood relatives.

Concluding the review of poetry associated with the Yakut wedding, we note that in Soviet times the basics of this ritual were observed. A feast was also held, the spirit owner of the fire was often treated, and good wishes were said. In that we included only one text of good wishes for a modern wedding. His analysis shows that the main outline of traditional wedding wishes has been preserved: the newlyweds are wished happiness, many children and wealth, only at the end it is added that they need to become leaders in production and famous people in the republic (No. 45).

In the concept of life of the Yakuts, an important role was assigned to procreation and the birth of children in the family. Having many children and healthy, mentally normal children were considered one of the components of human happiness. The souls of children (cut-sur), according to the beliefs of the Yakuts, could be obtained from the light deities aiyy, as well as from a tree with a branch-like crown. The main giver of children's souls - the goddess Nelbey Aiyysyt - lived in the eastern part of the earth, outside the areas inhabited by the Yakuts. She could give or not give the woman children. This goddess and the accompanying spirits, the owners of herbs and trees, determined the fate of the newborn: his life span, whether he would be happy, healthy, etc. After the birth of a child, the goddess Ieyieh-sit, the personal patroness of man, became one of his main protectors. The image of this goddess was close to the image of the goddess Aiyysyt.

The spell cast at the birth of a child addressed both of them. The older woman or the one who delivered the baby asked the goddesses to be supportive and come and facilitate the birth. The spell for childbirth was usually of a sublime nature, close to epic traditions, with hyperbole and colorful descriptions widely used. For example, the plaque on Ayyysyt’s hat was compared in size to an ice hole, and the breath of the goddess Ieyiehsit was likened to a warm wind. The description of the costume of the goddess Aiyysyt was as detailed as the description of the clothing of the main characters of the Olonkho epic (No. 46). Let us note that this spell also contains a very archaic characteristic of the goddess Ieyiehsit. Yakuts in the 19th - early 20th centuries. They considered her an anthropomorphic creature. At the same time, some myths say that she appeared to people in the guise of a white mare:

With a wavy tail

With a black stripe along the ridge,

With patterned spots on the shoulder blades...

(st.80 - 82).

The rest of the characterization of Ieyiekhsit refers to her anthropomorphic appearance (No. 46).

If the birth went well, the Yakuts on the third day after the birth organized a ceremony of seeing off Aiyysyt. (For a detailed description of the ritual and the content of the spells, see No. 48, 49.)

When childbirth was difficult and the woman in labor could not relieve herself of the burden, the Yakuts invited a shaman. He called on his spirits and performed rituals with sacrifices to the evil spirits of abaasy, who kidnapped the souls of children and interfered with childbirth. The spell said that the shaman catches these spirits and drives them back with the help of his helping spirits (see No. 47).

In the event of a long absence of children, the Yakuts performed a ritual of asking Aiyysyt for the soul of a child. It was performed by a white shaman (ayyy oyuuna) - a priest of the cult of the patron spirits of the family and clan (a brief description of one of the variants of this rite is prefaced in text No. 51; for more details about this rite, see). The spells described the grief of a childless married couple, ordered this couple to live in harmony, without quarrels, and predicted that in this case the goddess would give a child. At the end of the spell, the performer of the ritual asked that none of the evil spirits interfere with the fulfillment of his prayer (No. 51).

One of Yakut rituals, performed when raising children, was the consecration of the cradle. At the same time, a spell was pronounced in which Aiyysyt was asked to protect the cradle and the child, it was indicated that the nest (cradle) was located on the sacred family tree, i.e. he is protected by the spirit-mistress of the ancestral territory. In addition, the ending of the spell emphasized the modesty of the hosts and the person casting the spell. It was noted that they rarely ask, and only on days designated for sacrifices (No. 50).

In family life, in addition to the generally obligatory ones, there were rituals associated with various everyday situations. Occasionally, rituals of bewitching a girl, woman or man were performed. For example, V.M. Ionov recorded the ritual of bewitching his departed wife. It is based on the archaic belief that trees are like people in everything - they talk to each other, get sick, die, visit each other, etc. One of the aspects of understanding the life of trees was the idea that trees growing together, as if embracing, have a magical gift of uniting separated spouses, restoring the integrity of the broken and destroyed. In the ritual, the abandoned husband makes a sacrifice to two trees growing together, entwined around each other from the very root to the top. In the spell, the man colorfully described his suffering. In particular, he said that he came:

Suffering from aching bones,

Due to the unevenness of the boards on the bed...

(No. 52, art. 28 - 29).

At the end of the spell, he asked for a magical remedy that softens the hearts of women and men, taming the bad habits of cattle (verses 62 - 72). The analyzed entry states that the trees heeded the request of the abandoned husband, gave him a love spell and he managed to return his wife (No. 52).

All ethnic groups included funeral and memorial rituals in family and everyday rituals. Among the Yakuts, death, according to traditional beliefs, was a relocation to another world, in essence, a change in the form of human existence. At funerals and wakes in the 19th - early 20th centuries. special ritual works were not performed (for funeral and memorial rites, see). Longing for the dead was expressed in individual laments. The features of this genre in Yakut folklore have not been sufficiently studied. Apparently, there were three types of laments: kep tuonuu “mourning over an unhappy lot”, sulanyi “lamentation about fate”, mun-atyyy “crying over one’s suffering”. These cries were essentially a form of individual psychological release and at the same time performed a symbolic function that corresponded to the ethical standards of the Yakuts and were an expression of bitterness from the loss of a loved one. According to Yakut beliefs, the deceased becomes a spirit and comes to the living if he is not accepted in the other world. In such cases, a shaman was invited, who conducted a special ritual with the aim of catching him and sending him to the world of the dead.

An important part of the system of Yakut rituals were rituals associated with their main occupation - breeding horses and cattle. The Yakuts, faithful descendants of their nomadic ancestors, loved horses more. According to Yakut beliefs, successful horse breeding depended on the favor of the deity Dzhosegoy. The Yakuts made the first sacrifice to him in early spring, at the birth of the first foal. In the prayer they said that they were treating them to the best kumis and asked to increase the number of horses belonging to the owner (No. 53).

A family ritual associated with cattle breeding also included a sacrifice to the mistress spirit of the area where they moved to summer time. She was treated to kumys and asked to give prosperity in this place, to ensure the offspring and safety of all livestock (No. 56).

The growth of a herd of cattle, according to the beliefs of the Yakuts, depended not only on the bright gods of the aiyy, but also on the poroz belonging to the given family. Based on this, at the beginning of summer, a ritual of spraying the sire with suorat, a “Yakut fermented milk product,” was carried out with a request to increase the offspring of livestock (No. 57). According to the beliefs of the Yakuts, a herd stallion and a stud bull, when slaughtered, could be taken with them to other world souls of horses or cattle. Therefore, before slaughtering these producers, the Yakuts performed a special ritual. They were slaughtered in the same way as sacrificial animals - their aorta was torn. At the same time, they cast a spell in which they asked not to take the cattle with them, but, on the contrary, to grant a large offspring in the future. At the end of the spell they traditionally said that they were forced to score because of the onset of a hungry year (text No. 60,).

Yakut family labor rituals included rituals performed during the preparation of hay for the winter. Before the start of haymaking, having arrived at the mowing site, they lit a fire and through the fire they made a sacrifice to the spirit-mistress of the area in the form of milk food (they threw butter or sprinkled kumiss on the fire), conjuring to give a share of herbs to feed the livestock (No. 61).

At the beginning of mowing, the eldest of the mowers performed the ritual of “watering” the scythe. The scythe, according to Yakut beliefs, like any object, was considered alive. She was endowed with the ability to take offense, to deliberately inflict wounds, to mow down better or worse, and also to eat and drink. Therefore, when starting mowing, they treated the scythe to a drink made from sour milk. The person entrusted with this ritual mowed the grass three times, then took a bunch of freshly cut grass, dipped it in the drink and lubricated the scythe. After this, the entire drink from the cup was sprinkled around in three doses onto the growing grass and a spell was cast asking for rich grass, sunny weather and successful haymaking. In the final part of the algys, they turned to the braid, begging it not to break or deteriorate (No. 63).

At the end of haymaking, a spell was cast - the Blessing of the Big Pitchfork. It noted that the haymaking was completed successfully, and asked for the same prosperity in the future, during the lives of nine generations of descendants (No. 64).

Part of the Yakuts in the process of developing the basins of the Olenek and Anabar rivers in the 17th - 19th centuries. began to engage in reindeer husbandry, combining it with hunting and fishing. The ritual poetry of this group of Yakuts has been poorly studied. The volume includes three spells related to reindeer husbandry (No. 65 - 67), performed by a shaman. Perhaps these are samples of spells during rituals performed by a shaman in extreme cases or for preventive purposes. Thus, the first spell refers to the beginning of calving of deer (No. 65), the second and third are performed during epidemics (No. 66, 67).

Returning to the characteristics of the rituals and works of ritual poetry of the main part of the Yakuts, it should be noted that in the autumn-winter period there were no significant events related to cattle breeding. In case of illness of livestock, the usual rite of purification by fire was carried out, a sacrifice was made to the spirit-owner of the barn, or a shaman was invited to perform a ritual.

Along with family rituals General, tribal, intertribal, community and national holidays and rituals were of great importance in the life of the Yakuts. The main one is Ysyakh, which consists of sacrifices to deities and spirits, singing or reciting a hymn in their honor, a feast, osuokhai circular dances, martial competitions, sports competitions and various games (for details, see).

A study of materials about Ysyakh shows that it originally arose as a clan and interclan holiday in the 19th century. it already had a communal and intercommunal character and began to be perceived as all-Yakut. During the period of collectivization, the holiday was prohibited. The reason for this was that the Yakuts, like other peoples who organize horse races, loved to bet during competitions. In addition, during Ysyakh there were games of cards. In the last year of the Great Patriotic War the ban was lifted. Victory Ysyakhs began to be held in cities and villages. Since then, Ysyakh has become a common holiday of summer and friendship for all residents of Yakutia.

According to Yakut mythology, the founder of Ysyakh was considered to be the ancestor Elley. The first hymn in honor of the spirits was sung, according to myths, by Elley's son Labynkha Syuyuryuk, who became the first priest (ayyy oyuuna) of the cult of the patron spirits of the clan and tribe. Apparently, until the middle of the 19th century. hymns at Ysyakh were recited by white shamans (No. 69). Later, this function began to be performed by respected old people, experts in folk traditions or skilled singers - masters of performing Yakut songs.

The opening ceremony of Ysyakh was carried out as a theatrical performance. The main character was the performer of the hymn in honor of deities and spirits. He was echoed by eight innocent girls and nine innocent boys. In the hymn, the performers addressed a prayer of thanks to the deities and spirits. At the beginning of the white shaman’s spell, it was emphasized that all life on earth was created by the will of the head of the deities ayyy Yuryung Ayyy Toyon, his power was noted and the idea was expressed that Ysyakh was organized as a gift for his favors. After this, the caster listed all the deities and spirits, treated them and asked for their protection, begged them to give happiness, wealth and good luck, and to protect them from the machinations of evil spirits (No. 69).

This structure, apparently, was originally inherent in the hymn pronounced at the opening of Ysyakh. At the end of the XIX - XX centuries. the performers of this hymn did not strictly adhere to the hierarchy of light deities. They could start by turning to Dzhosegoy, the patron of horse cattle, or to Aiyysyt, on whose will the birth and life of children depended (No. 70, 72). In some cases, the exorcist described the wealth and splendor of the organized Ysyakh: an abundance of food, a large number of festive dishes, etc. Then the caster said that he was treating the light spirits with the best types of dairy foods and asked for their protection (No. 70).

After the singing of the hymn in honor of the bright patron deities and local spirits, a festive feast began, consisting of kumis, boiled meat and other dishes. In the old days, while drinking kumys, people sometimes listened to songs praising Ysyakh. The songs were performed by the best singers. They sang about the beauty of their native land, about how abundant Ysyakh is and that it was designed to ensure happiness for people and their future descendants (No. 75).

At the end of the festive feast on Ysyakh, circular Osuokhai dances, horse racing, sports competitions and games began. Let us note that the osuokhai circular dance was performed not only at Ysyakh, it was an integral part of any Yakut holiday. It probably originally had a sacred character. In the past, in the chorus of Osuokhaya, as in the hymn at the opening of Ysyakh, they glorified the bright deities-aiyy, asked them to be favorable to people, and emphasized that these gods give happiness and prosperity to the Yakuts (No. 76).

Perhaps the chanting of light deities was the theme of the first Osuokhai dance, which opened many hours of mass fun. At Ysyakh, one round dance was replaced by another. As soon as the singer finished his round dance, the next singer began a new one. There were cases when several round dances started at the same time. The duration of the dance depended on the talent and desire of the lead singer. Experienced singers could dance in a circle for several hours. The most traditional at Ysyakh, in addition to the chanting of the aiyy deities, were chants praising the onset of summer, glorifying famous horses and describing the beauty of the native land. Any topic was revealed by the singers in their own way, each creating an independent poetic work (No. 77 - 86).

In that we were not able to include the full texts of the Osuokhai choruses. The main reason is limited volume. Therefore, we have placed only samples of the ancient opening osuokhay (No. 76), the beginning of the chorus, performed by the famous storyteller, folk singer S.A. Zverev (No. 78), and transcripts of osuokhay chants recorded during a complex expedition to Yakutia in 1986. Then the best osuokhay singers from the group of Vilyui regions were given the task of briefly performing the chants, preserving their structure: beginning, main chorus and finale ( No. 82 - 86). These texts give an idea of ​​the specificity of the osuokhai chant as special genre folklore In addition, the Osuokhai chants have their own local characteristics.

The Osuokhai dance had several variations. One of its varieties was the Nayakha dance. In terms of choreography, this dance is close to one of the variants of the Buryat round dance - yokhor (for more details, see the article on ritual dances in this volume). In the chorus of the Nayakha dance, the non-Yakut word galin is repeated twice, apparently derived from the Buryat gal “fire”. The etymology of another word, tanki, incomprehensible to the Yakuts, is possibly related to the Buryat onomatopoeic word tan, expressing ringing (No. 79).

The traditional osuokhai consisted of three parts: the beginning, the main slow round dance and the energetic, fast round dance ketuu (lit., “flight”). The beginning of the osuokhai was performed in the style of a drawn-out toyuk. First, the phrase was sung by the singer, then it was picked up by the repeaters - two or more dance participants walking to the right and left of him. The success of the dance depended to a certain extent on the experience of those repeating. The main and final parts of the round dance were performed in the form of a seven-syllable.

The lead singer was obliged to strictly follow this time signature. If there were five or six syllables in a line of text for the chorus, then repetitions of a syllable of one of the words were added, or interjections were inserted between words. If there were more than seven syllables in a line, then the extra ones were pronounced at an accelerated pace, and two syllables sounded like one. The opening in the toyuk style ensured the solemn, stately mood of the osuokhai performers, and the main rhythmic chorus of the round dance contributed to the unification of the dancers, the creation general aura joy and fun, giving a charge of optimism, strengthening the unity of the participants of the holiday and having a beneficial effect on their psyche. It is no coincidence that the traditional refrain Esieheydiir esie-hei, osuohaydyyr osuohay is used in the chorus. It finds an echo in the soul of the Yakuts and motivates them to participate in the round dance. Along with this, this refrain was used by singers as a marker of the beginning and end of a separate theme in the chorus and the transition to a new theme.

The Ysyakh holiday lasted from one to several days. The epic often talks about Ysyakh, which was held for nine days.

Researchers have long noted that “algys, more than any other genre, is characterized by stability and conservatism of the artistic form.” This primarily affects the composition, structure of ritual songs and their functional purpose. Often, first, the names of those ichchi Spirits to whom the caster of the spell or algys is addressed are given. If this is a hunter, then he lists Bayanai, Ergene Bergen, Baai Baryylaakha, etc., while the fisherman turns to the owners of lakes and rivers - Suule Baayu, Ebirien Baai Khotun, Uokaa Jaralyku, Kunyuleer Toyon, Dalgyra Khatyn, etc. Depending on the dialect, ulus ethnographic features The recipients change, although there are some that meet frequently.

The algyschyt singer, to the best of his abilities and talent, gives each spirit different epithets praising their power. It is generally accepted that the more colorfully the owner of a particular type of hunting is described, the more generously he gives good luck. After this, the essence of the request is stated, in which the names of the animals are given descriptively, since there is a ban on this. Sometimes an element of the andagar “oath of self-curse” is introduced into a separate algys: “if I violate certain conditions, let me feel bad.” A certain order also exists in the Ysyakh hymns. However, this does not prevent performers from expressing their talent as an improviser by varying the structure of ritual songs. But the Algys language and its visual means remain common to Yakut folklore, and many cliche definitions used in folk songs and especially in epics are often found in the performance of rituals.

For example, in the spell of the spirit-owner of the forest, as in the epic, it says:

Walking on toes

Girding himself in the middle,

Taking advantage of the fire,

With rotating [in different sides] head

Dark-skinned uraanghai,

Yakut-man...

(No. 8, art. 5 - 10, as well as olonkho “The Obstinate Kulun Kullustuur”; “Kyys Dabilie”).

In the next spell, the hunter asks:

Hide in your narrow [place],

Hide it in your wide [place]!

(No. 9, art. 26 - 27, as well as olonkho “The Obstinate Kulun Kullustuur”,).

A variation of this cliché:

Hidden in my armpits by you,

In my groin covered with you

(No. 17, art. 47 - 48).

The fishermen's spell contains the following formulas:

I, who have joints, bow to you,

Having a neck with vertebrae, bowing before you

(No. 17, art. 5 - 6).

He who has a neck - I bow,

Having vertebrae - bending

(No. 23, art. 13-14; see also olonkho “The Obstinate Kulun Kullustuur”; “Kyys Dabilie”,).

Stable formulas used in olonkho were also used in wedding spells.

Eight-rimmed-eight-rimmed

My primordial mother earth is the master spirit

(No. 19, art. 1 - 2, No. 50, art. 16 - 17, No. 69, art. 19 - 20; see also olonkho “The Obstinate Kulun Kullustuur”; “Kyys Dabiliye”; “Mighty Er Sogotokh”).

So that on the eight-rim, eight-edge,

With discord, strife,

Decorated with humming greenery

To the original mother earth...

(No. 43, art. 84 - 87).

Another formula present in the epic:

Like the ribbed throat of a white horse,

Along the laid out

Illustrious

A wonderful road with...

(No. 37, art. 57 - 60; see also olonkho “The Obstinate Kulun Kullustuur”; “Kyys Dabiliye”, “Mighty Er Sogotokh”).

In the hymns dedicated to Ysyakh and in the chants of Osuokhay, there are also clichés characteristic of the language of the epic:

Look there and smile,

When you look here, smile.

(No. 13, art. 20 - 21).

A variation of this cliché:

She turned in that direction and laughed merrily,

I looked in this direction and smiled touchingly...

(No. 71, art. 8 - 9).

On the horse's strong back,

Like a black grouse bird,

He took off and sat down.

(No. 78, art. 40 - 42; see also olonkho “The Obstinate Kulun Kullustuur”; “Kyys Dabiliye”; “Mighty Er Sogotokh”).

The coincidence of stable formulas in the epic and works of ritual poetry was apparently explained by two reasons. Firstly, the mutual influence of the poetic system of genres: storytellers often used osuokhai singers, and osuokhai singers, undoubtedly, were present at the performance of olonkho and replenished their poetic arsenal from the epic. Secondly, the commonality of the poetic fund: the creators of the epic were based on the achievements of other genres of folklore - they creatively interpreted mythology, intertwined formulas of spells and good wishes, included proverbs and sayings in the texts, i.e. used a well-established, polished set of poetic expressions in their work.

Along with stable formulas that coincide with epic ones, works of ritual poetry contain clichés characteristic of this genre. An example of such formulas should first of all be recognized as a detailed definition of the spirit-master of fire:

Piebald shin,

spotted side,

The chest is a sieve,

Neck - skebel,

Gray beard,

Terrible, famous,

With gray hair

Scorching my lord,

My lord is grandfather,

The master spirit of my sacred fire!

(No. 30, art. 13 - 22).

The litter is ash,

The blanket is ashes,

Gray beard,

Gray head

Silver face,

Mr. Nokhsol Toyon is my grandfather...

(No. 33, art. 2 - 7).

The poetic description of the spirit owner of the lake is close in essence and structure to the characteristics of the spirit owner of the hearth:

The master spirit of my lake

The shore is half [yours],

Swamp - litter,

Slime is a blanket,

Swamp - courtyard,

Small crucian carp is the basis of [your] life, -

Green Bolloch

Toyon-grandfather!

(No. 2, art. 157 - 163).

With a house - a quagmire,

With a window - a crack,

With a bedding - swamp,

With a duckweed blanket

The master spirit of water...

(No. 18, art. 5 - 9).

The descriptions of these two spirits, unlike other parts of the spell, performed in chanted recitative, were read in patter, i.e. They also had a common style of pronunciation.

A number of stable formulas in works of ritual poetry were associated with a plea for the mercy of deities, for protection from troubles and misfortunes. Thus, the offering of a sacrifice was sometimes accompanied by a request that became traditional in form and essence:

Consider what is insufficient as sufficient,

Consider what is incomplete to be complete.

(No. 53, art. 31 - 32).

The fisherman's spell says:

With evil eyes

Maybe he looked

With sinful hands

Maybe he held it

Evil-tongued,

Maybe he cursed

With fiery eyes,

Maybe he jinxed it...

(No. 22, art. 1 - 8).

Variants of this cliché are found in the spells of the goddess Aiyysyt:

Let the evil-tongued one be scolding

He won't be able to curse

Let the slippery eyes

He won’t look at it point blank!

(No. 48, art. 18 - 21).

Fire-Eyed

Let him not look at it point blank,

Flat Eared

Let him not hear!

Grumpy-angry-tongued

Let them not be able to curse!

(No. 51, art. 49 - 54).

Among the stable formulas of wedding wishes, for example, was the cliché:

Welcoming the equestrian

Leaving the pedestrian for the night,

Feeding the hungry

Warming the chilled...

(No. 37, art. 47 - 50, 55).

Variants of this cliche:

Feeding the hungry

Warming the frozen

Helping Shirou...

(No. 36, art. 57 - 59, 63).

Support an orphan

Give food to the horseman,

Give me an overnight stay for those on foot!

(No. 43, art. 81-83).

A similar formula is found in the spells of the goddess Aiyysyt during her farewell after the birth of a child; the caster wishes the child to become a support for everyone:

Let it become a staff for those on foot,

Let him become a whip for the horseman,

Let the hungry one feed from him,

Let the emaciated one be satisfied...

(No. 49, art. 10 - 13).

In the hymns pronounced at the opening of Ysyakh, the epithets of the bright deities aiyy are repeated:

With warm breath,

With blush on your cheeks,

With a blessed speech

Our mother Ieiekhsit...

(No. 71, art. 2 - 5).

These epithets are common in materials about the cult of the patron deities of the Yakuts (for more details, see).

There are many common clichés in the ritual texts of Ysyakh and in the chants of Osuokhay. Thus, they often emphasize that Ysyakh and Osuokhai were first established by the legendary ancestors of the Yakuts Elley and Omogoy (No. 75, art. 9 - 11; No. 82, art. 53 - 54).

Starting the osuokhai, the singer traditionally addresses the participants like this:

For five fingers

Like by the loops, taking hold,

Let's drive osuohai

For ten fingers

Mixed together,

Let's drive around...

(No. 85, art. 25 - 30).

Variations of this formula appear in the following texts included in the volume:

For five spread

Holding your fingers,

Like a loop to a loop, stringing together...

(No. 78, art. 74 - 76).

For ten fingers

Intertwining them, holding...

(No. 81, st. 3 - 4).

In ritual poetry, the technique of hyperbolization is widely used. The master spirit spell says:

The master spirit of my sacred sixth

With eight belts,

The master spirit of my venerable sixth

With nine belts,

The master spirit of my venerable wide fireplace

With seven belts...

(No. 31, art. 5 - 10).

The Yakuts tied the entire frame of the fireplace from poles coated with clay with a girdle in three places.

Hyperbole like artistic technique There are also spells during the consecration of a child’s cradle:

On the nine-rim, nine-rim

To my homeland

On its southern side, proudly growing

The mighty oak, in the middle of it located

With nine hoops

My main cradle made of oak

Don't let it collapse!

(No. 50, art. 24 - 30).

In the festive hymn sung at Ysyakh, when describing the deity Dzhosegoy, it is said that he owns a “midge of yellow foals,” “a gadfly of mouse-gray foals,” “a mosquito of red foals,” etc. (No. 70, art. 88, 89, 91).

An analysis of works of ritual poetry shows that algys are intonationally different from other everyday songs; they are mainly dominated by a high style, since in this case the conversation-conversation is conducted with powerful spirits-masters. Therefore, often even passages containing certain requests are performed loudly and solemnly, especially when spectators are present.

The rhythmic structure of ritual songs is unique. Apparently, this is due to the fact that this genre developed in antiquity and was performed by recitative and singing, therefore in most cases the basis of rhythmization is “rhythmic-syntactic parallelism with a relatively free count of syllables.” The “Blessing when moving to the summer house” (Sayylykka takhsarga algys) says:

Unaar sayin of a sultry summer

Vigutun somustaratgyn,

Let us scoop up plenty of abundance,

Kueh sayin

Green summer

Kundu beeleedin ketehterentgun,

Give us a precious gift into our hands,

Utuye sayin

Have a wonderful summer

Utuye urdunen en ur Aentgin

Let us get enough of the best cream...

(No. 56, art. 20 - 25).

In this example, the number of syllables in the lines is 4 - 9 - 3 - 11 - 5 - 9, which indicates the unconditional unequal syllables of the latter. But if we take the total number of words in rhythmic-syntactic parallels (there are three of them), then we get quite comparable values: 13 - 14 - 14, i.e. approximate equivalence. This phenomenon goes back to the ancient Turkic written monuments of the 5th - 7th centuries. and by some poets it is defined as emotional repetition. But unlike other Sakha songs, in ritual poetry the principle of alliteration (consonance of the initial sounds of lines) is not strictly observed and usually extends to 2-3 adjacent verses at most. In the algys “Blessing of the fishing fence” (Elie algyba) we read:

Asexperiences abattar,

Feed the hungry

Syrdany sylaattar,

Quiet the hungry one

Thordonu toroluttar!

Fatten the emaciated!

Chugas kere satyyr gyna,

So that you can see it up close,

Yraah iste satyyr gyna,

So that it can be heard from a distance,

Dari dehei detirgitien kulu!

Always give us gifts evenly!

(No. 20, art. 24 - 29).

As we can see, the singer ignores the initial consonances, but especially emphasizes the endings of the lines with grammatical rhymes and repetitions common in Yakut folklore. Here, as in all ritual poetry, the main rhythm of the work is created by syntagmic phrases and tirade combinations. During performance, another factor comes into play, and "usually intonation periods are regulated by the volume of breathing."

Among the genres of ritual poetry, the rhythm of Ysyakh songs has undergone a significant change. This is also reflected in the examples in this volume. The “Song of the Ancient Dance” (Bylyrgy ukkuu yryata, No. 76) does not have a clear rhythm, and its performance, in all likelihood, was accompanied by movements and dance that differed from the modern osuokhay. Modern lead singers use this drawn-out motif only as the beginning of the osuokhai, almost immediately switching to a seven-syllable meter.

The seven-syllable line is strictly maintained throughout the osuokhai dance, appearing in different options: 3 - 4, 3 - 4, 2 - 2 - 3, 3 - 2 - 2. In some cases, lead singers use fewer syllables, but then they stretch one syllable, making it seem like two, and pronounce more syllables in a faster manner pace, maintaining the basic rhythm.

In general, the language of ritual songs is more archaic, especially in the algys of hunters, fishermen, and in the algys of the spirit of fire and forest. In them figurative system comparisons and epithets are created on the basis of the names of everyday objects that have been used since ancient times. Over time, the language of ritual poetry did not remain unchanged. It, just like the modern Yakut language, contains borrowings from the Russian language and culture. In spells, for example, the word bokuluon is found - from the Russian “bow” (No. 23, art. 12), luoska - from “spoon” (No. 36, art. 16), alleyyttan - from “alley” (No. 61, art. 16). 4) etc. Some texts also reflect borrowings from Christianity. So, in the spell of the goddess Ayyysyt it is said: “When I became young, instead of Nikola, you were to me” (No. 46, art. 10 - 11). The Wonderworker Nicholas was one of the most revered saints among the Yakuts who converted to Orthodoxy. In number 48 there is a wish:

May Nikola the God protect [you]

Let Christ the God care [for you].

(vv. 30 - 31; see also olonkho “The Obstinate Kulun Kullustuur”; “Kyys Dabiliye”; “Mighty Er Sogotokh”).

It is curious that in the hymn at the opening of Ysyakh there is a statement that the master spirit of the fire “For thirty years you lay motionless” (No. 69, art. 204 - 205). This is associated with the fate of the hero of Russian epics, Ilya Muromets, who could not walk until he was thirty.

An in-depth scientific analysis of the works of ritual poetry of the Yakuts is the task of future researchers. We are forced to limit ourselves to only a brief general description of traditional Yakut rituals and the associated layer of oral folk art in order for the reader to more easily comprehend the specifics of the unique examples of spiritual heritage included in this book.

ON THE. Alekseev, E.N. Kuzmina, N.N. Toburokov

Lesson type: assimilation of new knowledge with generalization of previous topics

Lesson form: integrated lesson (literature, Russian language, history)

Goals:

• Expanding students’ understanding of folklore and the role of studying folklore by E.K. Pekarsky in compiling a dictionary
• Expanding students' vocabulary and developing skills in working with a dictionary, instilling interest in searching for interpretations of unclear words
• Development of mental operations through observations, comparisons, generalizations
• Fostering a sense of love for the history of the Motherland, pride in the high achievements of scientists of past centuries

Equipment(classroom design): imitation of museum halls representing the life of the Sakha people of the 18th-19th centuries.

During the classes

I. Good afternoon, dear guys, dear guests!

Today we are in the museum and find out what role folklore, life, traditions, and customs of the Sakha people played in the creation of the dictionary.

I would like to start the lesson with an epigraph - a statement by E.K. Pekarsky himself: “The language of a tribe is the expression of its entire life, it is a museum in which all the treasures of its cultural and higher mental life are collected.” Listen, think about these lines. This statement is also an epigraph to the “Dictionary”, because this is not just a dictionary, but a whole encyclopedia national culture people of Sakha. The author managed to create such a dictionary as a result of 50 years of persistent heroic work and on the basis of a painstaking study of the language, life and culture of the Sakha people. He is known in science not only as the author of a monumental dictionary of the Yakut language, but also as a major ethnographer, as an outstanding expert and collector of Yakut folklore. Our guide (pre-prepared student) Nastya will tell us about the life and work of E.K. Pekarsky. (see Appendix No. 1).

E.K. Pekarsky considered the creation of the “Dictionary” to be the main goal of his activity. All this enormous material, collected over 50 years of painstaking work, constitutes an invaluable contribution. This dictionary is especially valuable for the Yakut people. It serves as a reference book for anyone who writes and reads the Yakut language. Let's move to another room, where tour guide Shura is waiting for us and find out how Eduard Karlovich compiled his “Dictionary”. (see Appendix No. 2).

Along with his main work on compiling a dictionary, his activities in the field of collecting and studying Yakut folklore are of great importance.

What is folklore? Yakut folklore?

The author has been collecting and studying vast and varied material on folklore for many years. He deeply understood Yakut folklore and knew it to the smallest detail. This helped him give the dictionary a rich content. Anya will tell us about this. (see Appendix No. 3).

II. In the last lesson we worked with the Dictionary. We got acquainted with the construction of a dictionary entry, methods for determining the meaning of words, and studied several forgotten words that are not currently used.

Now try using the words you remember most, using your knowledge and skills, to create mini-dictionaries with a creative approach.

III. Let's reinforce what we talked about today. Let's conduct a quick survey in groups. (Medals are awarded for the correct answer).

1. Where did E.K. Pekarsky get his materials for the Dictionary?
2. What is the difference between E.K. Pekarsky’s “Dictionary” and other dictionaries?
3. For what purpose did E.K. Pekarsky take part in the work of the Sibiryakovsky expedition?
4. Why does E.K. Pekarsky begin work on “Samples of Yakut folk literature”?
5. Have the texts of “Samples” been translated into Russian?
6. How many words are in E.K. Pekarsky’s “Dictionary”?
7. Which school in the ulus is named after E.K. Pekarsky?
8. What assistance did E.K. Pekarsky provide to the local population?
9. Who taught E.K. Pekarsky Yakut words?
10. Why was E.K. Pekarsky first arrested?

IV. Let's now find out which group learned the material better today. The “dictionary” was compiled in the 19th century. Of course, a century later, many words have become archaisms. And here you are, children of the 21st century, let's practice with words. (given 5 outdated words from the “Dictionary” to determine meanings).

V. Now let's play the historical lotto. There are 3 tokens with numbers in front of you, you pick up the token with the correct answer. (There is a table on the board where the result of the answer is written down).

1. E.K. Pekarsky’s main assistants in compiling the dictionary:
   1) D.D.Popov
   2) V.V.Radlov
   3) V.M.Ionov
2. What revolutionary society was E.K. Pekarsky in:
   1) “Land and Freedom”
   2) "People's Will"
   3) “Black redistribution”
3. Brilliant work by E.K. Pekarsky:
   1) “The Yakut clan before and after the arrival of the Yakuts”
   2) “Dictionary of the Yakut language”
   3) “Samples of Yakut folk literature”
4. How many years did E.K. Pekarsky spend in the Igidei nasleg:
   1) 18 years old
   2) 24 years old
   3) 13 years old
5. In what area of ​​the Igidei nasleg did E.K. Pekarsky live:
   1) Kulaada
   2) Charan
   3) Dierenneeh
6. For belonging to which party E.K. Pekarsky was sent into exile in Yakutia:
   1) Bolsheviks
   2) socialist revolutionaries
   3) cadets

VI. I liked your activity, the fact that you understood the significance of this dictionary in the development of the language of the modern Sakha people. Let's do some reflection:

• What have you learned and discovered?
• How did you work?
• What should you pay attention to in the future?

(At the end of the lesson, memorial orders about the lesson are distributed to everyone.)

The bearers of Yakut folklore - performers-storytellers - refer to traditions, legends and myths by the general name hepseen (kepseh, seen) - story (tradition). If a fairy tale was perceived as fiction, then traditions, legends and myths were perceived as reality. The Yakut proverb says “kepseen ebileeh, olonkho omunnaah, yrya dor5oonnooh” - “a story (tradition) - with an addition, olonkho - with an exaggeration, a song - with consonance.” This is how folk wisdom aptly characterizes the difference between folklore genres.

Since the end of the 17th century. travelers and researchers turn to the legends and myths of the Yakuts as reliable evidence of their ethnic history, lifestyle and way of life. Western European merchant Isbrandt Ides, who traveled on behalf of the Russian government in 1692 - 1695. to China through Southern Siberia and Dauria, for the first time expressed a hypothesis about the southern origin of the Yakuts, described their life and the spring kumys holiday. Philip Stralenberg, a Swedish officer who spent thirteen years in Siberian exile and established the relationship of the Yakut language with the language of the Turkic peoples, was familiar with the legends about Er Sogotokh Elley and Tygyn. The first detailed materials about historical legends were left by the participants of the Second Kamchatka (Great Northern) Expedition G. Miller, I. Fisher and Ya.I. Lindenau. G. Miller calls the Yakut traditions a “historical story”: “This story is, truly, not without reason.” Essay by Ya.I. Lindenau, where the legends about the ancestors and ancestors of the Yakuts are retold in more detail, was published 240 years later in the Magadan book publishing house.

Historical legends and myths of the Yakuts attracted special attention of Russian researchers after the journey of Academician A.F. Middendorf to the northeast of Siberia and the publication of the book by O.N. Bötlingka "On the language of the Yakuts." Political exiles made a great contribution to the collection, systematization and research of Yakut myths and legends: I.A. Khudyakov, V.L. Seroshevsky, V.F. Troshchansky, V.M. Ionov, E.K. Pekarsky.

The first Yakut scientists - A.E. - began their scientific activities by collecting and studying traditions, legends and myths. Kulakovsky, S.A. Novgorodov and G.V. Xenophon. A.E. Kulakovsky published a large number of myths and legends in his famous work “Materials for the Study of the Beliefs of the Yakuts” and collected legends about the ancestors. S.A. Novgorodov included I myths and legends in the first textbook he compiled in the Yakut language G.V. Xenophon in the 20s. made expedition trips to the central, Vilyui and northwestern uluses of Yakutia.

The enormous materials he collected formed the basis of his books “Legends and stories about shamans among the Yakuts, Buryats and Tungus” (1928), “Uraanghai-sakhalar” (1937) and “Elleiad. Materials on the mythology and legendary history of the Yakuts” (1977). A major collector of historical folklore was S.I. Bolo, compiler of the collection “The Past of the Yakuts before the Russians Came to Lena” (1938).

For many years, A.A. Savvin, A.S. were fruitfully engaged in collecting traditions and legends. Poryadin, V.N. Dmitriev, P.T. Stepanov, G.M. Vasiliev, I.G. Berezkin, N.T. Stepanov, G.E. Fedorov.

G.U. Ergis in the 60s published a two-volume publication “Historical Legends and Stories of the Yakuts”. A large article he wrote about Yakut legends and oral histories is the first dedicated study on this topic.

A.P. Okladnikov, I.S. Gurvich, Z.V. Gogolev, G.P. Basharin, F.G. Safronov, G.U. Ergis, P.P. Barashkov, I.V. Konstantinov widely used historical traditions and legends in his research. This undoubtedly contributed to a deeper understanding of the meaning and content of individual folklore works.

The main milestones in the formation and development of the Yakut ethnos are reflected in three cycles of historical legends: about the first ancestors Omogoy Baay (Omogon, Onokhoy) and Elley Bootur, who arrived from their southern ancestral home to the middle Lena; about Tygyn Toyon and other founders of the era of development and the beginning of the decomposition of patriarchal-tribal relations in the 17th - 18th centuries; about Vasily Manchaary (19th century), a spontaneous rebel who openly opposed the injustice and tyranny of the ancestors and the rich.

One of the first and complete recordings of the legends about Omogoy Baay and Elley Bootur was made in the early 40s of the 18th century. participant of the Second Kamchatka (Great Northern) expedition Ya.I. Lindenau. According to his record, Omogoi and Elley lived in the upper reaches of the river. Lena, where the territory of the Irkutsk region is now. He even saw the Köbyölür valley in the upper reaches of the river. Lena, where the first ancestors of the Yakuts lived, and a place called “Yakut carrier”. “Köbyüölür” is a Yakut word meaning “to raise one’s voice.” ME AND. Lindenau also recorded Buryat legends about how the Yakuts lived in these places, and how Toyon Badzhey, a descendant of Omogoy and Elley, arrived with his people from the upper reaches of the Lena to the middle Lena.

Subsequently, in the legends recorded since the 40s of the 19th century, the motif about the life of the first ancestors of the Yakuts in the upper reaches of the Lena disappears and is replaced by the motif about their resettlement to the middle Lena. Thus, in just 100 years there has been a transformation of legends about the place of residence of the first ancestors. The reason, apparently, is that in the process of developing ethnic self-awareness in new conditions, the ancient version was rethought accordingly.

In legends recorded since the 40s. XIX century Until now, there is often a story that Omogoy Baai came to the valley of the middle Lena on the advice of a clairvoyant shaman and at the request of the master spirits of this country. Omogoy's arrival is joyfully greeted by the patron deities of people and livestock Ieyehsit and Ayyysyt, who help him find a mare and a pregnant cow. Perhaps behind this mythological motif there is a folk memory of the domestication of domestic animals. Researcher of northern horse breeding prof. M.F. Gabyshev admits that the Yakuts in ancient times domesticated wild horses that lived in the northeast of Yakutia. And the very fact of the existence of wild horses in the ancient northeast is confirmed by the latest finds of Yakut paleontologists.

Legends depict Omogoy and Elley as newcomers to the middle Lena; they exclude the origin of the first ancestors of the Yakuts from the aborigines of this region. I.V. Konstantinov rightly noted that the motive for the arrival of these characters of legends from distant countries cannot be considered accidental; most likely, this indicates the still living ideas of the Yakuts about themselves as a newly arrived people. It can be assumed that researchers do not disagree on the issue of the southern origin of the Yakuts, substantiating this with extensive archaeological, folklore, linguistic and historical-ethnographic material. Their differences lie in determining the ways of forming this people.

Folklore images of Omogoy and Elley are close to the mythological images of persecuted heroes, who later become the ancestors of tribes. Elley, according to legend, arrived on the middle Lena from the Baikal region, the Urankhai land, from Mongolia, from the Tatars; or it is not indicated at all where he was from. It is said that he comes from the fraternal or Batulin tribe. In our opinion, such a variety of ideas of the people about their ancestors was indirectly reflected in the complex tribal composition of the population of the Baikal region, part of which became part of the ancestors of the Yakut people.

Legends say that the reason for the resettlement of Omogoy and Elley to the middle Lena was inter-tribal clashes, which is also not without historical justification. A.P. Okladnikov wrote that in the X - XI centuries. Mongol-speaking tribes invaded the Angara-Lena region and pushed the Kurykan north to the middle Lena.

After arriving at Omogoy, Elley becomes his employee. In fact, he became a slave, worked for free, without any property or tools. Such was the life of other Omogoi slaves. Their property and living situation truly reflected the main features of tribal relations with elements of patriarchal slavery, which were still clearly visible in the life of the Yakuts in the 17th century.

The patriarchal-tribal way of life of the Yakuts explains the time of their arrival on the middle Lena social status Omogoi Baai himself. He is, first of all, the patriarch and head of a large family family. The epithet “baai” (rich man) does not so much characterize his wealth as serve as an artistic and visual means of idealizing him, emphasizing the power and authority of the head of the clan. Slaves, living with their owners and working for them, constitute one common clan family.

The legends reflected the peculiarities of family and marriage relations of that era. In the marriage of the newcomer Elley, a native of another tribe, to the daughter of Omogoy, one cannot help but notice traces of exogamy, one of the characteristic signs of clan organization.

When Omogoi Baai, angry that Ellay had married his unloved daughter, drove them both out of his house, giving them one mare and one mangy red cow as a dowry, a small family was formed. A picture emerges in the relationship between the Omogoya and Elley families initial stage development of a small family and conflict between two types of family in a clan community.
The growing struggle for the independence of a small family was waged in the sphere of property relations. This can also be seen in the legends of this cycle. So, Elley kept the horses and cows of Omogoy, who did not leave the smokehouse he had bred, and disposed of them as his wealth. He used the products obtained from them to prepare the kumys festival of Ysyakh. Apparently, according to the established traditions of communal ownership, Omogoi could not bring back his cattle and take away food from Elley.

Elley's small family is gradually strengthening economically, and Elley's authority among his relatives is growing. “Alley, they say, gives everyone a house, gives a woman, gives cattle and utensils,” and with old Onokhoi you are a worker all your life,” these were the conversations the slaves had. However, based on the content of the cycle of legends, we can conclude that the family connection remained strong. Sharing hunting spoils, the two families lived amicably. In the book by V. Seroshevsky, Elley, returning from hunting, gave everything he had obtained to Onokhoy, who thanked him for this [Ibid].

Ellay is a progenitor with the functions of a mythological culture hero. Omogoy and his relatives “were simple-minded people,” they lived in an earthen yurt without a stove or chimney, and did not know fishing tools, blacksmithing, blessings, or songs. Alley was a blacksmith and carpenter. He installed a stove with a chimney, knocked out a window in the house and made a door, made tools for fishing and hunting animals, built pens and buildings for livestock and lit a smoke smoker against midges, made the divine drink kumiss

Alley is not only an inventor and creator material culture Yakuts, but also the first organizer of the spring kumys festival Ysyakh, the first minister of the Yakut religion who turned with prayer to the highest deities. Modern Yakuts believe that the annual Ysyakh is celebrated according to the traditions established by the great-ancestor Elley

The conservative patriarch Omogoye Baai does not understand Ellay's innovations. He arrives at the Ysyakh, organized by Elley, according to some legends, only after the third invitation and, frightened by the miraculous phenomena caused by the power of Elley’s blessing, runs away home. In other versions, he and his wife fall dead or ascend to heaven. Although the legends do not directly say that the deities that Elley worshiped were alien to Omogoy Baai, he dies from their punishment for disrespect for the ysyakh, arranged in honor of the aiyy deities.

Elley is the favorite and chosen one of the aiyy deities. He is even a direct descendant, the son of the supreme deity Yuryung Aiy Toyon, or Elley is intended by the deities to be the organizer of life, the establisher of order in the Middle Land.

In many legends, Elley's eldest son Namylga (Labynkha) Silik (Syuyuryuk) is named the first shaman - servant of the aiyy deities. He pronounces a blessing on the first Ysyakh and immediately ascends to heaven. Sometimes he is attributed the function of a culture hero and aiyy shaman.

The plot development of the legends about the first ancestors echoes the plots of the heroic epic Olonkho about the settlement of the Middle World by the outcast descendants of the supreme deities aiyy. In olonkho of this type, from the Upper World to the Middle World, the deities descend their outcast descendants who have been guilty of something, and in legends, exiles who have become separated from their tribe settle in the middle Lena. The heroes of the olonkho, rejected by the deity, are raised and protected by the spirit masters of the epic country. The first ancestors of the Yakuts moved at the request of their host spirits to the Tuymaada valley, where the city of Yakutsk now stands.

Olonkho plots are based on the conflict of heroes belonging to the same Ayyy Aimaga tribe (the epic self-name of the Yakuts). In olonkho, the positive hero is the rejected descendant of the deities aiyy - the “newcomer” - son-in-law, and in legends - Elley Bootur, an alien adopted into the Omogoya family. In the tales about the rejected descendants of the aiyy deities, the motif of heroic matchmaking is almost absent; the theme of miraculous matchmaking predominates.

The main character of the olonkho about the rejected descendants of the aiyy deities is a hero named Son of the Horse Dyyrai Begyo (Bergen). The plot theme about the hero - the Son of the Horse - is based on the ancient myth that "first God created the horse, from him came the half-horse-half-man, and from the latter a man was born." This myth is preserved in a more complete form in the plot of the Dolgan olonkho “Son of the horse Atalami Bukhatyyr”. And the name of the legendary Elley with his constant epithets “Ereideeh-Buruydaah Er Sogotokh” (Long-suffering Lonely Husband) corresponds to the name of the hero of many olonkho Ereydeeh-Buruydaah Er Sogotokh, the Bogatyr-ancestor of the Uraanghai Sakha tribe. In Olonkho G.F. Nikulina "Er Sogotokh" main character endowed with the functions of a cultural hero. He, the first inhabitant of the Middle World, builds himself a house with a stone ax, makes fire, begs cattle from the deities and arranges the Ysyakh holiday. All the actions of the hero correspond to the cultural activities of Elley. EAT. Meletinsky notes that, in comparison with the olonkho about Er Sogotokh, the historical legends about Elley more clearly preserve the features of the myth of a cultural hero, and explains this by the specificity of the idealization of heroes in the heroic epic and legends.

Thus, the most ancient period in the history of the Yakut ethnos is reflected both in the heroic epic Olonkho and in historical legends, transforming in accordance with their genre nature. In contrast to these legends about the first ancestors, in the cycle of legends about Tygyn (Dygyn) Toyon and other ancestors, echoes of a different, higher stage of social development of the Yakut people are heard.

Tygyn is a real person, the name Tygyn is found in historical documents of the 17th century. People have written many stories and legends about him, in which he most often appears in the form of a powerful and formidable tribal leader, a power-hungry and a despot. Many moments of his life, full of military valor and tragedy, are transformed in the spirit of folklore hyperbolization.

According to legend, Tygyn (Dygyn) is the grandson of Elley, i.e. he comes from a noble family, which occupied a dominant position among other Yakut families. Tygyn is born with three golden hairs on the crown of his head. This, according to Elley’s prediction, is a sign that instead of the suddenly dead tyyn (breath, i.e. soul) of Elley’s son (Tygyn’s father), a new tyyn appeared, and he was named Tygyn (text 3, block 20). According to another legend, Tygyn, at the age of six, raising his spear with the tip upward, turned to the formidable celestial Uluu Toyon, who created him, with a request to send down to him a bloody symbol of the spirit of war and bloodshed. In response to this, a blood clot appeared at the very tip of the spear. Thus, he was appointed from above to become a military leader.

The time of Tygyn (Dygyn) remained in people's memory as Kyrgys uyete - the age of battles, the age of wars. And indeed, in legends, he, the head of the most powerful Yakut clan of the Kangalas, leads the fight against the Khorin, Nakhar, Nam and other clans. The reasons for Tygyn's attacks on other people's families were: the abduction of Tygyn's daughter by foreigners, Tygyn's campaign for the woman he loved, Tygyn's campaign against famous strongmen, revenge for separation (escape) from his family and for the desire for independence of a small family (text 6). These conflict situations echo the conflicts on which the plot of the heroic Olonkho epic about the ancestors of the tribe is based: the kidnapping of the sisters of the heroes of the aiyy aimag, the heroic campaign for the bride. A large place in the legends about Tygyn (Dygyn) Toyon is occupied by the motif of fights and competitions for the sake of glorifying his tribe. Tygyn, the powerful leader of the Kangalas, does not tolerate rivalry; he and his people must always be the first in fights and sports games. Tygyn often invites strangers and organizes ysyakh, where competitions in strength, agility, running and jumping are organized.

Tygyn in legends is shown as a vengeful and treacherous leader, a power-hungry and cruel person. Even in his own family, he does not tolerate people superior to him in strength or other qualities. Thus, Tygyn kills his son, who was born with a horny covering, seeing in him a hero stronger than himself. He killed a child born with gold earrings - a sign of power over people (option 6).
The powerful leader of the Kangalas clan Tygyn (Dygyn) in legends is often called toyon (lord, ruler), ruler, Yakut king. Mother mighty hero Bert Khara, seeing that her son is preparing to enter into battle with Tygyn, persuades him to avoid a duel with a man destined to be a ruler by the deity himself.

The image of Tygyn in legends is, on the one hand, the image of a strong leader who tried to unite under his rule the disparate, warring Yakut tribes in the first half of the 17th century, on the other hand, he is a despot for his clan and an invader for neighboring clans, not abhorring the most cruel and insidious means to achieve his goal.

The legends note that, in carrying out his intentions, Tygyn took for himself the wealth, livestock and slaves of the clans, tribes and even individual households he defeated. Tygyn's predatory attacks on neighbors led to the subjugation of individual clans and tribes to him.

Legends record the formation of a hereditary nobility in the person of Tygyn's sons, who continued the conquering traditions of their father. These stories correspond to the content of historical documents. S.A. Tokarev quoted a message from Ataman Galkin (1634), which talks about the sons of Tygyn, who “own all the land, and many other princes are afraid of them.”

To fully understand the military campaigns of Tygyn and other toyons of the Yakut region of that time, which lasted until Yakutia became part of Russia, it is necessary to take into account the peculiarities of the patriarchal-tribal way of life of the tribes of that distant era.

Historical sources and legends equally emphasize that in the 17th century, when the Russians arrived in the middle Lena, the aboriginal tribes were at the stage of a developed patriarchal-tribal system, but they were still dominated by the tribal way of life, in which family-related groups and dependent Their slaves (“slaves”, “fosters”) made up a large patriarchal family. At the head was the toyon.

The legends reflect what continued in the 17th century. the process of formation of small families, their separation from large patriarchal families. One legend says that Batas Mendyuken and his wife run away from Tygyn, fearing reprisals. This plot corresponds historical reality that time. S.A. Tokarev wrote that cases of slave escapes are far from isolated; only according to the documents known to him, it was possible to count 45 such cases.

The depiction in legends of the lives of the families of the poor Bert Khara, Chorbogor Baatir (texts 5, 6), “feeding themselves by hunting wild animals and ducks,” is generally associated with the emergence of a new layer in the social structure of the tribes that inhabited the middle Lena in those days. This is a part of the population ruined as a result of the predatory Toyon raids, which also formed into a separate family independent of the patriarchal one.

It should be noted that in the depiction of the relationship of a small family to a large patriarchal family in legends and historical documents, there are discrepancies due to the specifics of folklore idealization. There is a well-reasoned scientific hypothesis according to which in the 17th century, before the Russians arrived in this region, small families among aboriginal tribes were independent economic units. Weak economic ties remained between these two types of families. At the same time, related families rallied and united during military clashes, forming a large patriarchal family. It is this circumstance that is reflected in the legends about Tygyn, who is shown as a military leader who stood at the head of his tribe. Apparently, for the same reason, the slaves of Tygyn are most often depicted as brave and strong warriors, and not servant slaves; introductions about their property and payment of their labor by toyons are not clearly recorded in the legends. There are only a few plot motifs, for example, about how Batas Möndyukäen gets a job as Tygyn’s assistant for one salary. This folklore fact to some extent reflects the emergence of classes and early forms of exploitation in Yakut society.

The legends about the first ancestors say that Elley showed his sons places to settle with good hunting grounds and conditions convenient for raising livestock, which indicates the emergence of hereditary private land ownership. Judging by the legends, during Tygyn’s time the seizure of land only accompanied his warlike policy. As a military leader of tribes, he first of all sought to subjugate new tribes and clans to his influence. The weak reflection of the struggle for land in these legends can be explained by the absence in those days of private land ownership and the right to inherit it.

In the legends of this cycle one cannot help but notice echoes of the silent struggle that went on between slaves and toyons. There are stories about the irreconcilable enmity of the poor man Bert Khara with Tygyn. According to some legends, Tygyn, fearing the sons of the old woman Kutyur Emeekhsin, moved to a new place, near lake. Muryu. Here the sympathies of the narrators are on the side of the offended and humiliated.

The legends about Tygyn reflect events related to the entry of Yakutia into the Russian state. They tell how Tygyn fought the Russian Cossacks (although it was short-lived).

Historical documents published by S.A. Tokarev, in our opinion, provide an opportunity to understand the true meaning and nature of the events associated with the relationship between Tygyn and a detachment of Russian Cossacks. For example, Ataman Ivan Galkin in his petition describes his clash with the Yakut toyon in 1631: “Yes, sir, the same Yakol people, Prince Tynina and Prince Boydon, live on the Lena River and fought with us, your slaves, all day long and They didn’t give us your sovereign’s yasak, and they didn’t want to let us, sir, your servants out of their land. And we, sir, were few. And how, sir, will many serving people come from the Yenisei prison, and pacify those unpeaceful princes wet_". This document testifies to clashes between the Yakut toyons and the royal slaves who came to impose tribute on the local population. The Yakut toyons, in particular Tygyn, in this struggle pursued only their own selfish goals, wanting to become the absolute masters of the region. But the tsar’s slaves, as can be seen from the petition, advocated for the establishment of payment procedures for the tsar’s government on this remote outskirts. Thus, individual skirmishes that took place during the period of Yakutia’s entry into Russia were essentially a struggle between representatives of the ruling classes for the establishment of their own orders in the distant Lena region.

Mainly patriarchal clans led by toyons, who were also organizers of anti-yasak uprisings that took place until the second half of the 17th century, entered the fight against the incoming royal troops.

In the legends, only Tygyn and his military squad appear among those who resisted the incoming Cossacks. At the same time, the names of other brave warriors are almost not mentioned and their exploits are not told.

The cycle of legends about Tygyn, as can be seen from the above, reflects the milestones of one of the early stages of the history of the peoples of Yakutia. The identification of the hearth nobility and family as the main economic unit, patriarchal slavery, the beginning of the formation of hereditary property, the subordination of new clans and tribes by military leaders, embryonic forms of class struggle - all this, reflected in the legends about Tygyn, testifies to the presence in the life of the Yakuts era of the annexation of the Lena region to Russia, the main features of a developed patriarchal-tribal society moving towards early class relations.

The people spoke with hatred about the wild tyranny of individual rich people, such as Dodor, Chokhoron and others.
In the stories about the desire to become related to the celestials, in particular in the stories about the matchmaking of Kudangsa and Dyalagai Kiileen with demonic maidens from the Upper World, the willfulness of the tribal rulers is revealed in a mythological vein.

The rich, distinguished by greed and cruelty, are opposed simple people, hardworking, brave, defending their independence.

The repertoire of Yakut myths consisted of the following main groups: 1) about the supreme deities and savior deities; 2) about evil and good spirits living in the Upper World, on earth and in the Lower World; 3) about the nature surrounding humans; 4) about the first ancestors, the ancestors of the Yakuts; 5) myths and legends about shamans.

Among the supreme deities, which are known under the general name ayyy (plural ayyylar), the image of Yuryung Ayyy Toyon stands out - “the creator of the universe and man, the head of heaven and the rest of the gods.” His other name is Yuryung Aar Toyon. In olonkho, the supreme deity sometimes acts as the father (grandfather) of the hero-ancestor of the people of the Middle World (Yakuts). So, in Olonkho M.N. Ionova-Androsova, recorded in the 90s. XIX century, Yuryung Ayyy Toyon is the progenitor of all ayyy - deities whom he settled in the Upper World, and ichchi - Aukhov-hosts settled by him in the Middle World. The deity also lowers the youngest of his sons and daughters into the Middle World for permanent residence. These younger children of Yuryung Aiyy Toyon become the first ancestors of people (aiyy aimag), of which Uraanghai Sakha is a part, i.e. Yakuts. And aiyy (deities) and ichchi (master spirits) are endowed by the supreme deity with the functions of patrons of uraangai sakha. The celestial deity Kyuryuyo Dzhosegoy Aiyy gives people horses, Aiyysyt and Ieyehsit are the patronesses of women giving birth, and Ieyiehsit is the patroness of chosen people.

In many olonkhos, fairy tales and legends, celestial deities do not have such a close family connection. Each deity performs its own specific function, and Yuryung Aiyy Toyon does not interfere with its actions. Yes, you can't change it human destiny, determined at the birth of a person by the deities Dyylga Khaan and Chyngys Khaan.

In olonkho stories, the donor of horses, Kyuryuyo Dzhesegoy Aiyy, at the request of the heroes, lowers the horses destined for them to the ground. The kumys holiday Ysyakh is dedicated to Yuryung Ayyy Toyon and Dzhesegoyyyyyy. According to myths, in ancient times Dzhosegoy was a participant in Ysyakh in the form of a white stallion.

The patron goddess of women in labor, Aiyysyt, is one of the revered deities. She implants the soul of the child into the woman and is present at childbirth. In her honor, after a successful birth, the ceremony “Seeing Ayyysyt” is organized with a complex ritual and prayers.

Myths about the supreme deities are not included in this volume, since there are no complete works about them. Myths about the supreme deities aiyy are present as necessary and mandatory part in the texts of the heroic epic Olonkho, fairy tales, legends, songs and ritual poetry. The mythology of the Yakuts about the supreme deities, in all likelihood, existed in the form in which we know the pre-Homeric Greek mythology, i.e. it was disordered, unclear and “uncanonized” in many respects, which concerned, for example, the functions and activities of the supreme deities.

More common are myths about deities close to totem animals and birds, known under the general name tangara (tanara - god). Birds and animals of Tangara are revered by the Yakuts not as the creators (creators) of people or the ancestors from whom they originated, but as the saviors of dying ancestors and ancestors.

It must be emphasized that these works had an original structure, different from other genres of folklore. Thus, the Yakut myth consisted of three parts: first, the origin of the myth was explained, then the rituals and actions determined by this myth were described, and at the end it was noted what punishment awaited a person who violated the rules dictated by the myth. In some cases, the myth consisted of only the first part or the first two, or the third part was moved to the very beginning. In this case, the text began with a description of the misfortune that happened to a person who did not believe in this or that myth. The rearrangement of parts of the myth was carried out depending on the situation and environment in which the myth was told. Having a purely practical purpose, the myth among the Yakuts, as a rule, was presented only when it was necessary to explain to one or several interlocutors a phenomenon that was incomprehensible to them, to prove the need for some kind of ritual. It is appropriate here to recall that Yakut myths, like the myths of their peoples, “were not only figurative expressions of religious thought, but also ready-made formulas for poetic creativity, giving rise to new images and generalizations.”

Myths about birds and animals - the rescuers of our ancestors - are generated by the difficult living conditions of the Yakuts, their struggle for survival and self-affirmation.

An analysis of Yakut myths showed that in a number of texts birds were attributed magical abilities. Thus, an eagle allegedly could give a person a stone of happiness, with the help of a woodpecker it is supposedly possible to get heroic grass (Archives of the YSC SB RAS, f. 5, op. 3, d. 648, l. 17), etc.

In Yakut myths about birds, the humanization of birds, ancient in origin, continued to exist. They stated that birds, like people, were divided into separate clans and tribes and had their own head. Along with works in which birds were likened to people, the Yakuts have preserved myths about the transformation of people into birds. This is a sad myth about a guy-herder who stole and ate a foal, for which he was condemned to become a kite and fly, emitting a cry reminiscent of the neighing of a foal." Close to this text is the myth about a seagull, who was previously a girl-bride. She was betrothed to a resident of Upper world. When the wedding train arrived to the groom's parents, it turned out that a whole piece of butter, which was part of the bride's gifts, had disappeared along the way. Outraged by this, the formidable inhabitants of the Upper World cursed the girl, turning her into a seagull as white as Yakut butter, and ordered her to search for that oil all your life.Here the moralizing function of the myth is clearly indicated, which not only explained the behavior of birds, but also regulated the life of the group, instilled in listeners the ethical standards of everyday relationships: the inadmissibility of theft, negligence in the performance of wedding rituals, etc.

The presence in Yakut mythology of works in which birds were humanized or talked about the transformation of people into birds may have been due to the fact that the Yakuts hardly distinguished themselves from nature and were constantly dependent on elemental forces, unpredictable and inexplicable vagaries of the harsh climate.

The awareness of unity with the surrounding world was also reflected in myths telling about the ability of a number of birds - the eagle, swan, crane, raven and hawk to curse people, to take revenge on them for the grief caused (Archive of the YSC SB RAS, f. 4, op. 12, d. 69 , l. 26, 50, 72; f. 5, op. 3, d. 652, l. 12 - 12 vol.). Among the Yakuts one can find totemistic myths about birds, ancestors - patrons of one kind or another. The presence of ancient mythological images among a relatively young ethnic group is due to the fact that its mythology was based on the spiritual culture of its ancestors, whose memory preserved works dating back to the earliest stage of human history.

That is why the Yakuts, who formed into a single ethnic group in the middle Lena basin in the 10th - 15th centuries. AD there are totemic myths. Believing Yakuts until the beginning of the 20th century. continued to treat the totem as an older relative, killing one's own totem species of birds was equivalent to killing a person, and wives, according to custom, avoided meeting the totem of their husband's clan.

The totemistic myths recorded among the Yakuts in the first half of the 20th century are somewhat modified. Birds in them are no longer considered direct relatives of people, but are recognized as deities who saved the founder of the clan from death.

Some of the myths about birds were formed under the influence of animistic ideas of the Yakuts associated with the fishing cult, the cult of the patron spirits of the clan and tribe, and shamanism. For example, among the myths of the fishing cult there is a text about the curlew, which is recognized as the younger brother of the master spirit of the forest Baaya Bayanay.

According to the mythological views of the Yakuts, some of the revered birds were created by supernatural creatures of the Upper World or were aliens from there. Thus, in the myth of the kite he is called the younger brother of the deity Dzhosegoy. The eagle was revered as one of the main deities of the aiyy. All eagles and part of the Yakut clans allegedly descended from him. In Yakut myths, the deities aiyy appeared in the form of a swan and an eagle. And in one of the myths, the hawk was recognized as a creature of higher origin than the eagle, although according to Yakut beliefs, only the head of the aiyy deities Urun Aiyy Toyon was higher than the Hump-nosed Eagle aiyy.

The complex of cult ideas about clan and tribal patron spirits also included the recognition by the Yakuts of the raven as the eldest son of the head of the evil spirits of the abaasy of the Upper World, Uluu Toyon, and the belief about the kinship of the raven with Uluu Toyon.

The Yakuts' attribution of the eagle and the raven to deities personifying different principles (aiyy and abaasy) perhaps indicates the multi-ethnicity of the ancestors of the Yakuts. At the same time, the eagle and the raven were obviously totems of both that part of the Yakuts who worshiped the aiyy deities, and another group of Prayakuts who linked their origins with the evil spirits of the Upper World.

Yakut shamanism was reflected in myth-making about birds. For example, it was said about the hawk that it is the embodiment of yuor (uor) Agrafena - a spirit supposedly living on the island of the river. Lena near Zhigansk. One of the myths about the swan says that it began to be considered a patron deity after one shaman closed the exit from the Lower World with his swan’s head and thereby blocked the way to disease. A number of Yakut myths claim that the spirits of shamans appeared in the images of a loon, a raven, a cuckoo, a seagull and a martin.

Among the myths about birds, this volume includes myths about the eagle, raven and hawk, which belong to a relatively late layer of Yakut mythology. A stable element in them is the motif of a bird that saved the ancestor of the family from death. This is the eagle that shot down a goose for the dying ancestor of the Kangalas clan, and the raven that brought flint to the ancestor of the Khorin clan when he, having broken his leg, was dying of cold and hunger. In a number of similar myths, the deification of totems is explained not by blood relationship, but by a benefit shown to the founder of the clan.

A common feature of Yakut myths about the eagle is a list of rituals that must be performed when meeting an eagle. It is noteworthy that in some myths the transformation of totemistic rites under the influence of shamanism is visible. The myth about the eagle states that only a shaman can protect a person (clan) from the wrath of the totem. A typical example of the artistic structure of myths of this kind is the text “The Deity of Crows.” At the very beginning, it tells about the help that a raven provided to the ancestor of the Khorin people, followed by a rationale for how the Khorin people cure skin diseases, and a description of the treatment ritual with the words of a spell-conspiracy. Unfortunately, the latter was rarely recorded when recording myths. This composition of the story is typical of Yakut mythology. It was dictated by the practical purpose of the myth, which was to establish the norms of customary law.

Yakut myths about animals, like myths about birds, are of a magical, totemistic and animistic nature. The most archaic of them, apparently, are myths that explain the features of the external appearance of wild animals. Told vividly, with subtle observations of wildlife, these myths aroused constant interest among listeners, and over time were easily transformed into tales about animals. For example, the myth of why the ermine’s skin became white and the tip of its tail black, etc. The Yakuts, like other ancient hunters, maintained faith in the ability of killed animals to take revenge on their offenders. And first of all, those who killed them for fun or in a very cruel way. This belief was supported by a number of myths that prescribed respectful, careful attitude to the objects of fishing and condemning those who killed animals unnecessarily. For example, in the myth about the fate of people from the Mayat clan, it was said that they all died of hunger after, for fun, they skinned a live deer and released it in that form.

In a number of myths, animals were credited with the ability to understand human speech. The basis of such myths is the pan-Siberian cult of the dying and resurrecting beast and the Eurasian-American layer of the bear cult.

As examples of Yakut myths about animals, the volume includes myths about the bear and the wolf. The myth of a woman turning into a bear and worshiping it as a totem may not be originally Yakut. It lived among the Uryunei clan, which was of Evenki origin. We considered it possible to include it in the volume due to the fact that it belongs to a very ancient pan-Siberian layer of mythology.

In the myth of the wolf totem, we again encounter the same stable motif that we traced in the myths about birds - the motif of the deification of the wolf after the ancestors were saved from starvation thanks to supplies allegedly made by the wolf.

In the myths of the trade cult and shamanism, animals are also characters. In myths about the master spirit of the forest, for example, animals are called his cattle. In shamanic myths, shamans themselves appear and fight in the images of wolves and bears. In myths dedicated to the cult of the patron spirits of a clan and tribe, it is mainly domestic animals that act. For example, horses with black spots on the withers, which were considered created by one of the aiyy deities. In myths about domestic animals, common Turkic mythological images were clearly preserved, such as a dog that scares away evil spirits; a horse in which the happiness of its owner lies, etc.

The Yakuts have relatively few myths about fish and reptiles. An analysis of the available records showed that their structure and content coincided with the myths about birds and animals. They also clearly show a connection with the mythology of the Turks of Southern Siberia and Christianity. From this group of Yakut myths, the myth “Fishes and Reptiles” was included. It was obviously borrowed by the Yakuts from Christian mythology.

A number of myths were associated with human ideas about the luminaries (sun, moon, stars), atmospheric phenomena and the so-called Upper World, supposedly located in the heavens. In Yakut myths, as well as in the mythology of the Turkic-Mongolian peoples, there is a common plot about an orphan worker, offended by her owners, who was pitied and taken by the moon; her silhouette is now visible on the lunar face. Several Yakut myths tell that Venus, the Pleiades, and Ursa Minor send severe cold to the earth.

Most myths about the Upper World tell of the activities of supernatural beings who live there. In the sky, according to the mythological views of the Yakuts, lived the benefactor-deities aiyy and the formidable spirits abaasy. Yuryung Aiyy Toyon was recognized as the chief of the aiyy, and the spirits of the Upper World were subordinate to Uluu Toyon. These mythical creatures, like people, were divided into clans and tribes, and led the same way of life as all the inhabitants of the earth. The deities of the Upper World allegedly had a significant influence on the course of earthly life. There are myths that affirm the divinity of the origin of the heads of clans and shamans, their direct connection with the celestials, and myths about the competition of people with the inhabitants of the Upper World in dexterity and lightness of legs, as well as in singing.

A group of myths reflecting the deification of the heavenly bodies by the Yakuts and the worship of the supernatural inhabitants of the Upper World, in this volume begins with the myth of the girl in the moon mentioned above. This is a typical example of not a religious, but a fantastic explanation of the phenomena of the surrounding world. Further in the volume there is a myth about the settlement of three heavenly maidens in the Middle World. It also contains a number of episodes of a fantastic nature. The heroines of the myth, although they looked like the inhabitants of the earth, walked without leaving traces. They possessed magical spells: leaving the land on which they settled, they not only disappeared, but also took with them three walls of their yurt.

The Wat Ayah Kudungsa myth included in the volume is a variant of a fairly common myth about the failure of rich people to enter into family connection with the inhabitants of the Upper World. Such myths usually ended with a description of the ruin and death of the entire rich man’s family. You should pay attention to the language of this cycle of myths. It is close to the language of the epic and is full of stable phrases. For example, in the description of the wealth of a rich man: owning herds that barely fit in the meadow; herds - barely able to fit in the valley; possessing white and black fur-bearing animals, having numerous slaves." The storyteller widely used, as in the epic, paired expressions. Thus, in the myth there are phrases: "when there were few livestock people" "what the aiyys and abaasy intend for matchmaking - marriage" food-food "matchmakers-matchmakers", etc. Thanks to the use of poetic formulas and set phrases, the myth has a rhythmic structure, a sublime style of narration, close to epic.

Further in the volume, two works are included that tell about the fight against creatures that arrived from the Upper World. In the first myth, an earthly hero is defeated in a single combat with a strongman from the Upper World, who specially descended to earth to compete with him. Another tells about the ancestor born to an earthly woman from her relationship with a celestial being. He managed to take revenge on the spirits from the Upper World who “ate” his boy. It should be noted that in Yakut myths, it is often people who become winners in the fight against the inhabitants of the Upper World.

The next, very significant group of myths consists of works that explain the origin of individual geographical places and tell about spirits supposedly living on earth.

The toponymic myths of the Yakuts often provided a fantastic explanation for the origin of mountains, rivers and lakes. As a sample of such works, the volume includes the myth of the emergence of Mount Agrafena. Its plot is based on a dispute between three sisters - to change or not to change the direction of the river bed. Lena. The youngest of the sisters tears off a third of the mountain and floats on it down the Lena, and the middle one, about to swim away after her, stopped at the request older sister. The part of the mountain torn off by her becomes a mountain on the island.
A number of Yakut myths assert the existence of master spirits of individual territories, rulers of the taiga, mountains, lakes, etc. The Yakuts believed that a person’s prosperous life, the wealth of some and the poverty of others, largely depended on the will of these spirits.

Thus, in the myth about the hunter and the mistress-spirit of Mount Agrafena, the hunter’s bad luck was explained by the fact that he did not bring a sacrifice to her. The mistress of the mountain relented only after she forced the guy to sacrifice a dog to her. It should be noted that the sacrifice of a dog was performed by the aborigines of Yakutia back in the Neolithic. Perhaps this ritual passed to the Yakuts from local tribes that participated in the ethnogenesis of the Yakut peoples. According to the mythological beliefs of the Yakuts, success in fishing was directly dependent on the will of the hunting spirit Baai Bayanai. The study of the traditional beliefs of the Turkic-speaking peoples of Siberia showed that the image of the Yakut Baai Bayanai was formed in the southern ancestral home of the ancestors of the Yakuts. This confirms the myth about the meeting of a young hunter with the daughter of Baai Bayanai. As in the myths of the Turks of Southern Siberia, she comes to the aid of an inexperienced hunter, bestows her love on him and gives him rich prey. It is interesting that this traditional plot recorded the consecration of the right to new hunting grounds that did not previously belong to this Yakut clan.

The Yakuts were greatly feared by the spirits in which suicides, madmen and people subjected to undeserved persecution, as well as shamans, were supposedly reincarnated after death. From this group of myths, two texts are included in the volume. The beginning of the first of them describes the spirit of Chaadai Bollokh, which prevents hunting. He was once a shaman, and his only dog ​​was stolen. After this, he fell into poverty, died of hunger and became the spirit Chaadai Bollokh. The third part of the myth describes how Chaadai Bollokh interferes with hunters and fishermen, and states that only a shaman can protect him from persecution. The latter can supposedly force the spirit to “give” his dog. Then the shaman “infused” it into one of the hunter’s dogs, and at the end of the myth the rules for keeping “Chaadai’s dog” are set out. Analysis of the plot shows how secondary myths appeared. The work was obviously created by shamans on the model of traditional myths about the wandering dead and justifies the introduction of new, shamanic rituals into the trade cult.

The myth of Bakhsy Aiyyta, contained in the volume, is a typical example of stories about people who died an unnatural death and became spirits that send illnesses.
The Yakuts also had myths about the supernatural inhabitants of the Middle World, apparently borrowed as a result of ethnocultural contacts with the Russians. So, after the annexation of Yakutia in the 17th century. To To the Russian state The Yakuts developed beliefs about the spirit of smallpox, “neighbours” and syulyukuns. The myths said that the spirit of smallpox walks around Yakutia in the form of a Russian woman, and the families she visits become sick with smallpox. The image of the “neighbors” of Russian folklore coincided with the image of invisible creatures that supposedly settled with people. One of these myths is in the volume (text 47). From the Russian old-timers of Siberia, the Yakuts borrowed ideas about the Syulyukuns, very rich creatures that live under water and appear on land only on New Year’s Eve. According to legend, one could get untold riches from the Syulyukuns. They supposedly could predict the fate of a person. The volume includes two examples of this group of Yakut myths.

The most dangerous creatures that bring disease and death to people, according to the beliefs of the Yakuts, were evil spirits who come to earth from the mythical underworld. It was claimed that only shamans could cope with them, and only they knew the myths about the inhabitants of the Lower World. These stories were the professional secret of shamans. True, the shamans expounded the content of these myths in their hymns and spells. In them they described the terrible appearance of the spirits, pointed out the diseases they send, the victims they expect. Although shamans intimidated ordinary believers in every possible way, the Yakuts still preserved myths about visiting the Lower World ordinary people. One example of such work is included in our volume. It tells how terrible the inhabitants of the Lower World are; their country appears to be a very disorganized place. But the inhabitants of this world lead a lifestyle similar to that of the earth.

According to the myth, a person who comes from the Middle World to the Lower World becomes invisible and inaudible to its ordinary inhabitants. Everyone he touches gets sick. The uninvited stranger was allegedly brought back by the shaman of the Lower World. Similar myths exist in the mythology of the Turkic-speaking peoples of Siberia. Therefore, it can be assumed that it was inherited by the Yakuts from the ancient Turks.

A special group of Yakut myths consisted of myths about the ancestors and founders of individual clans. This group of works was formed by sacralizing some historical traditions and legends. Due to the fact that these myths are included in single cycles of works of oral folk art, consisting of interconnected myths, traditions and legends, we considered it necessary to publish them in the first section (texts 1, 2, 3).
A number of Yakut myths claim that a person’s fate is predetermined by the deities, and he is unable to change it. Thus, Yakut traditional beliefs clouded the consciousness of people and restrained attempts social protest. An example that supports the idea of ​​the inevitability of fate is the myth "Destiny", included in the volume.

A relatively late group of Yakut myths consisted of myths and legends about shamans. They substantiated the right of shamans to lead religious life. Myths stated that shamans are the chosen ones of the spirits who “raised” them. Shamans are given the ability to know the “truth” about the events of the past and present, and to foresee the future. A number of stories described the actions of shamanic spirit helpers and the magical objects of shamans: costumes, tambourines, invisible crossbows, etc. Yakut legends about shamans convinced believers that they could, on the one hand, protect people from the machinations of evil spirits, on the other, they themselves could send misfortune, illness and death to those who offended them or simply did not like them. But still, according to Yakut beliefs, shamans were not omnipotent. It was believed that they could not defeat those people who had strong patron spirits. Moreover, the legends emphasized that ordinary people can sometimes win in single combat with shamans.

A significant place in the mythology of the Yakuts was occupied by stories about the struggle of shamans with each other and about the deeds of deceased shamans. They described the miraculous abilities of shamans, thereby asserting that shamans have supernatural qualities and can serve as intermediaries between people and various spirits and deities. The volume includes three legends of this kind. The first of them artistically expressively tells how great shamans were brought up.

The following text tells how the future shamans were ill and how they convinced others that they had the gift of reincarnating as mythical creatures. The last legend claims that after death, shamans can return to the human world at a certain time and live the same way as they lived before. At the same time, their long-destroyed yurt and the buildings around it allegedly reappeared with them. When the time comes for them to leave, everything disappears at once.

With the development of society, the acquisition of labor experience and knowledge by people, myths fade away and begin to exist in a different form. Individual plots, motifs, and mythological characters are found in other genres of folklore: olonkho, fairy tales, legends and traditions, as well as in aphoristic poetry.

As can be seen from the above, the main milestones of the early history of the Yakut people are interpreted in myths, legends and traditions. In their plots and images we find elements of a person’s early understanding of the world around him, ethical standards of behavior and everyday rules. These genres of Yakut folklore in our time no longer function in their “pure” form. Myths changed their form of existence; they “dissolved” in other genres of folklore. Legends and traditions, in which various facts and events from the life of the people are reflected in a figurative and vivid form, exist independently. And they all gain new life in literature and art.

Traditions, legends and myths are historical memory people about their past, at the same time these are stories about what happened recently. G.U. Ergis noted that the surrounding reality, historical events, remarkable phenomena of life provided rich material for the emergence of oral stories. Academician A.N. Okladnikov characterizes Yakut legends as “an excited and lively story of eyewitnesses or even direct participants in events that have come down to us in the same oral transmission from generation to generation, from great-grandfather to grandfather, from grandfather to father and from father to son, and most often from grandfather or grandmother to grandson, from the famous old man-storyteller to his young listeners" [Ibid.]. Oral traditions and stories about the past, about recent events, legends about shamans and miraculous phenomena associated with beliefs, Yakut myths can be called, in contrast to olonkho, fairy tales and songs, mass works that any expert could tell. But among them, remarkable master storytellers stood out. Such experts on antiquity were the famous Olonkhosut singers E.M. Egorov - Miine Wala (Tattinsky district), D.M. Govorov, R.P Alekseev (Ust-Aldan district), E.Kh. Gorokhov (Verkhoyansk district), I.I. Burnashev - Tong Suorun (Megino-Kangalassky district). There were also masterful performers of legends and stories, such as I.N. Nikolaev - Ugaldy and I.A. Alekseev from Nyurbinsky district.

This volume consists of 56 samples of traditions, legends and myths, of which 41 are published for the first time. The first part of the volume “Historical Legends and Stories” includes three versions from a cycle of legends about the ancestors of the Yakuts, six legends about Tygyn Toyon, the central image of the ancestors of the period of decomposition of patriarchal-tribal relations on the eve of the annexation of Yakutia to the Russian state, and three legends characterizing life and customs ancestors after the annexation of Yakutia to Russia. The second part of the volume is devoted to myths and legends.

Included are notes, commentaries, indexes, and a glossary. In the comments, in addition to the explanation of the text and translation, there are options and versions of the traditions, legends and myths included, which provides rich information and reference material for those who wish to deeply and comprehensively study the Yakut traditions, legends and myths. E.N. took part in compiling the indexes. Kuzmina. The authors thank A.L. for assistance in preparing the volume. Novgorodov and L.F. Rozhin, as well as V.V. Illarionov for checking the national text.

ON THE. Alekseev N.A. Emelyanov V.T. Petrov

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(Slide 1) (Music 1)

The purpose of the lesson: To acquaint children with the peculiarities of the sound of “dyeretii” (Dzheretii) and “degeren” yrya based on examples from the olonkho opera “Nyurgun Bootur the Swift”.

Tasks:

• educational: To introduce children to the styles of “dyeretii” (Dzheretii) and “degeren” yrya, based on a comparison of the songs of the heroes from the olonkho “Nyurgun Bootur Swift”.
• nurturing: To cultivate a culture of listening to music, a culture of behavior, as well as patriotic feelings, interest in Yakut folklore, in the Olonkho epic.
• developing: To develop good musical abilities (memory, hearing, voice, rhythm) and an outlook on Yakut folklore, mental activity.

During the classes

1. Organizational part.

Children enter the classroom with the bell ringing to the music of nature, where the Yakut national instrument - khomus - is played and go to their places. A musical greeting is performed in the Yakut language:

Utuokununen! (Good afternoon!)

Utuokununen! (Good afternoon!)

E5erde kyrgyttar! (Hello girls!)

E5erde! (Hello!)

E5erde walattar! (Hello boys!)

E5erde! (Hello!)

2. Main part:

(Slide 2) (Music 2)

Guys, tell me, who is this? (What is this person doing?)

Olonkhosut (Olonkho Storyteller).

Olonkho performs olonkhosut (storyteller of olonkho), he was a storyteller and performed songs of all the heroes of olonkho.

What is olonkho? (Children's answers) Olonkho is a Yakut heroic epic.

Have you ever listened to Olonkho? (Children's answers)

The olonkho tells the life of the ancestors of the Yakuts, their thoughts, traditions and customs, food, clothing, strong character, concept of nature and the universe. The main plot of Olonkho is the powerful hero of the middle world Nyurgun Bootur. He defends his land.

In the middle world, Deities inhabit people. Families raise their daughters in a strict manner, hiding them from prying eyes. When a girl turns 18, young men come from different uluses and compete with each other for the girl’s hand and heart. The winner gets a girl as his wife. During the height of the fun, unclean forces (abaas) emerge from underground and forcefully take the girl into their world. The hero must save the girl. Olonkho ends with a wedding.

The name of the olonkho is determined by the name of the main character - “NyurgunBootur”, “Er So5otoh”, “JiribineJyrylyatta”, etc. The most famous and popular is “Nyurgun Bootour Swift”. On November 25, 2005, the World Organization UNESCO recognized the Yakut olonkho “NyurgunBootur Swift” as a masterpiece of the oral intangible heritage of humanity.

How many worlds are described in Olonkho. (Children's answers).

(Slide 3) Olonkho is built on the basis of three worlds - Middle, Upper, Lower.

(Slide 4) Tell me, guys, who lives in the Middle World? The middle world - ayyysire or orto doidu - is the center of the universe, the country where people live, and every living creature and every object has its own spirit - “ichchi”.

(Slide 5) Tell me, who lives in the Lower World? The lower world is Utugen or Yutyugen (underworld), or NukenWoden (dark underworld) the world of evil monsters that interfere with the happy life of people. Their leader is Arsan Duolai.

(Slide 6) And in the Upper World? The upper world is the world of the gods led by YuryungAar-toyon. Good and evil deities also live in the upper world.

Who is the main character in Olonkho? (Children's answers). Bogatyrs, beautiful girls, abaas.

How do Olonkho heroes talk to each other? (Song)

It turns out that olonkho is closely related to our music lesson, right?

(Slide 7, 8) (Topic, goals and objectives)

– Therefore, today, by comparing the songs of Olonkho heroes and Yakut national songs with each other, we will get acquainted with the two main Yakut styles of songs.

What is the most famous olonkho among the Yakuts?

- “NyurgunBootur Swift”.

If you listened to this olonkho, who is the main character? (NyurgunBootur, TuyaarymaKuo)

Listening to the songs of the heroes, we will learn to identify Yakut styles. Guys, we must listen carefully to the songs of the heroes, determine the tempo and mood of the song, determine which heroes they are (negative or positive). We determine the tempo of a song by the speed and slowness of the performance. We can also determine the mood of the song: happy or sad.

(Slide 9) - Nyurgun Bootur is a powerful hero of the middle world. He defends his land. Nyurgun Bootur most vividly embodies the features of heroic images in general: love for the Motherland and the people, courage, determination, enormous physical strength. Let’s now listen to Nyurgun Bootur’s song from the olonkho “Nyurgun Bootur the Swift”. (Music 3)

(After listening to the song Nyurgun Bootur)

What is the tempo of the song? (slow)

What is the mood of the song? (Solemn)

What is the song about?

What kind of hero is NyurgunBootur? Negative or positive? Why?

Who does it protect people from?

Then the children tell what they saw before the eyes of a hero-hero who loves his land and is ready to go to protect the people of the middle world from the super-essential forces of the lower world of abaasy.

(Slide 10) – It tells who SorukBollur is. Reading the words of the song SorukBollura. (Music 4) Listening.

(Children should hear the mood of the song, where his song seems to be stuttering, out of breath.)

SorukBollur is a comic character, a herdsman guy. He is a cheerful, persistent, resourceful young man who usually leaves his masters in the cold. This touching hero, everyone's favorite, captivates with his sincere spontaneity and folk-humorous character. Despite his poverty and disadvantaged situation, SorukBollur has an independent character: he is daring and witty, he never misses an opportunity to laugh at his slow owners, and he deftly dodges punishment for his unlawful misdeeds.

The tune of the song SorukBollur is a typical example of a poignant song of a guy-herdman, revealing the cheerful disposition, humor, and cheerfulness of the youngest Olonkho character. His song contains the enthusiastic exclamation of a mischievous messenger and expressively conveys his excited, fussy speech.

What is the tempo of the song?

What about your mood?

Who does SorukBollur help?

Is he a negative hero or a positive one?

Guys, we listened to two songs. Let's compare these songs. (Children's answers)

(Slide 11) - Guys, you said that NyurgunBootur’s song is slow, drawn-out, solemn. The Yakuts, like all peoples, have long been inseparable from song. The need for musical self-expression was so strong that the Yakuts often expressed their suffering during illnesses through singing. Today, two styles of singing are particularly well known. The first is the “high” style of “dyeretii” yrya, which is drawn-out, smooth, solemn singing. It is of an improvisational nature, decorated with abundant kylysakhs (kyly? akh). The main positive characters of Olonkho and the Olonkho opera sing in the style of Olonkho. Songs in the style of Dieretiya begin with the exclamation: “Die-buo!” (“Die buo!”), “Ker bu!”.

(Slide 12) The second traditional style of singing is degerenyrya - a Yakut folk song with a measured melody, often of a moving nature. Less decorated with kylysakhs than dyeretiiyrya. All everyday songs are written in the degeren style.

So, how many styles are there in Yakut songs? Which?

Now we will listen to composer and Yakut folk songs and compare Yakut styles.

Let's listen to Grant Aramovich Grigoryan's song “Sahamsirebarakhsan” (My Yakutia) - listening. (Music 5)

Which hero's song can this song be compared to? (Nurgun Bootur)

Children must determine that this composer’s song sounds in the style of “dyeretiya”, but there are no kylysakhs - melismas. Through these two songs, children become acquainted with the beauty and breadth of their native land, which must be protected and loved.

Then they listen to the Yakut folk song “Ondoruusketieteybet” (Andryushenka is in no hurry) (Music 6) and after that the children must determine that this song sounds in the style of “dyeretiya”, but there are no kylysakhs - melismas. It is performed melodiously, melodiously and is a song of the lyrical genre.

Which hero's song can the song be compared to? (SorukBollur)

3. Consolidation.

Now, we will listen to songs of Olonkho heroes and Yakut songs. You listen carefully and determine the style, tempo, mood of the songs, and also determine the characters.

1.Song of TuyaarymaKuo (Annex 1)– Kolukecheen Yakut folk song (Ozerko) (Appendix 2)- performed by the teacher;

(Tell that the song Kolukecheen (Lake) is a folk song that tells about the beauty and breadth of the Yakut lake, the Yakut taiga - the Yakut nature.)

TuyaarymaKuo – what image is this? In Yakut folklore, she is a symbol of motherhood, a positive image.

2. Song KyysKyskyydaan (music 7) – Khayysar, to the words of Chagylgan, melody by Kostin (Skis) (Appendix 3)- listening;

3. Song UotUsutaaki (Music 8) – Tyynnaakhtarumnubatsyllara, lyrics by Odorusov, melody by Boilokhov (Appendix 4)- listening.

What is sung about in the songs KyysKyskyydaan and UotUsutaaki?

Children should hear the mood of the song, where the songs of KyysKyskyydaan contain self-characteristics: “I am so interesting, fleshy, ... I am fire, my nails are sharp, ... I am the loudest, bringing only discord and quarrels, the dirtiest and most untidy.” Aria KyysKyskyydaan is calmer in character than that of WatUsutaaki. The song is sung in the degeren style.

Children should hear the mood of the song, where UotUsutaaki’s song contains his self-characterization as an evil, bloodthirsty monster, seized by the passion of exterminating the people of Aiyy Aima5a. must determine the style of singing “degeren”.

(Slide 14) - Image of KyysKyskyydaan - what is she like? (Negative).

It is said that KyysKyskyydaan is the sister of UotUsutaaki, the image of KyysKyskyydaan is related to UotUsutaaki. She also appears as an evil, bloodthirsty creature, but in addition to this, she is also shown as a woman - a seductress, although ugly in appearance.

WatUsutaaki? (Negative)

(Slide 15) It is said that WatUsutaaki is a powerful hero of the Lower World. An evil, ugly monster, a one-armed and one-eyed Cyclops, cruel and not clean. The eternal enemy of the human race, the personification of everything evil and hostile to man. Resident of the Lower World, inhabitant of a dark dungeon.

Why did we compare the songs of negative heroes with songs with the theme of war? Because they wish us harm, they are seized by the passion of exterminating the people of Aiyy Aima5a. Therefore, they are negative heroes.

Held educational work among the boys of the class that to be as kind and courageous as NyurgunBootur and protect the weak, love and protect your land from enemies.

4. Physical education minute:

Guys, now we’ll have a rest. In order for us to move quickly, what type of music will suit us (Answers).

Choose any fast music and dance rhythmic movements with the children.

V. Learning a song:

(Slide 16) Today we will learn a new song. After listening to the song, we will determine the style of the song. Now let's listen to the song very carefully. (Music 10) (Listening to a song)

What is the tempo of the song? What about your mood?

What is the style of the song? Why?

(Slide 17) This song “Biirdemaniktuohtaabyt” (Once upon a time, a naughty girl...) was written by everyone’s favorite poet Pyotr Toburokov

Read the lyrics to yourself. Are there any unfamiliar words?

(Slide 18) - Guys, do you know what Bysychcha is? (Knife)

Learning a song. (Music 10 (Minus songs))

Did you guys like the song? Why? What did the poet want to convey with this? (Being naughty is bad)

4. Conclusion.

How many styles are there?

The song we learned in class today, what style does it belong to?

Which Olonkho characters did you like best?

What image conveys to us love and respect for the Motherland?

What do we learn from olonkho?

About love for one’s land, fatherland, which must be protected, loved and proud of.

Well done!

(Slide 19) - Korsuohhedieri! (Goodbye!)

Korsuohhedieri! (Goodbye!)

References.

1. Alekseeva R.R. From folklore to professional music. Yakutsk, 1994
2. Baisheva M.I., Afanasyeva M.A. Olonkhomyndyryn - kyrachaannarga. – Djokuuskai, 2004
3. Bogdanrva A. S., Petrova V. I. Methods of teaching work in elementary school. – M., 1980
4. Breeze T. Yakutsk olonkho recognized as a world masterpiece // Yakutsk Evening. -2005.-December 2
5. Burtseva D. T. Yakut epic olonkho as a genre. – Novosibirsk, -1998
6. Gabysheva L. Etiquette for performing olonkho // Polar Star, - 2002, No. 2, p. 92
7. Golovneva N. I., Kirillina Kh. I. Yakut musical literature. – Ya., 1991
8. Zhirkov M. N. Yakutskaya folk music. – Ya., 1981
9. Krivoshapko G. M. Musical culture of the Yakut people. – Ya., 1982
10. Olonkho music taken from the disc by Ustin Nokhsorov